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IRA GO SHOPPING FOR AIRPLANE PARTS!

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ON THIS DATE (18TH NOVEMBER) 100 YEARS AGO : IRA GO SHOPPING FOR AIRPLANE PARTS...
On the 18th November 1920 - 100 years ago on this date - an aeroplane made an emergency landing in a field near Punches Quarry in Cratloe, County Clare, and word quickly spread in the area that the craft was fitted-out with a machine gun. The British 'authorities' heard about the incident, as did the local IRA unit, and the former ordered their man in the area, 2nd Lieutenant MH Last, to organise a platoon from 'C' Company, 'Oxon and Bucks'(the 'Oxfordshire and Buckinghamshire Light Infantry' regiment) and get to the site to guard the wreck, which they did and, in an act of bravado(given the times that were in it!) the British forces apparently posted no sentries and built and lit a large fire to make themselves comfortable.
The IRA, too, had arrived on site and a gun battle ensued -
'1920 Nov 18. A platoon from "C" Company, 1st Battalion of the Ox and Bucks were guarding the crashed RAF plane near Punches Quarry, Cratloe area. They were under the command of 2nd Lieutenant M.H.Last. A group of I.R.A. volunters led by Joe Clancy (Brigade Training Officer East Clare Brigade) had seen the plane come down and got togather an attacking group from IRA men hiding out at Hogans house in Cratloe. Their objective was to capture the aeroplane's machine gun. After dusk Clancy and his group climbed to the top of Punches Quarry and opened fire at 17.30 on the unsuspecting Ox and Bucks troops who were grouped round a large bonfire that they had lit to keep themselves warm. The IRA said that there were no sentries posted...'- more here.
Meanwhile, the republican PR Department had been busy, too...!


'THE WEST'S AWAKE.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

A series of after-Mass meetings were held throughout County Galway on Sunday, 29th May last, in support of the Sinn Féin candidates for the local government elections. The speakers at all meetings received an enthusiastic welcome and there is good reason to believe that the two candidates selected, Paddy Ruane, Carranmore, and Martin Kelly, Ballygar, will be elected. The sales of 'The United Irishman' in County Galway have risen from 4,000 in April to 7,700 in May ; Galway is surely giving a lead to Ireland!
A feature of the Sinn Féin campaign in Galway as in all other parts of Ireland is the enthusiasm and energy of Sinn Féin workers. All who are anxious to help in the County Galway campaign should write at once to the candidates or the Head Office, 3 Lower Abbey Street.
(END of 'The West's Awake' ; NEXT - 'Fianna Éireann Ard Fheis', from the same source.)


ON THIS DATE (18TH NOVEMBER) 100 YEARS AGO : BRITISH REPRISAL KILLINGS IN CORK.
On the 17th November 1920, a 46-year-old Kerry-born RIC Sergeant, James O'Donoghue, who had 22 years 'service' in that particular 'police force' and was about to be promoted to Head Constable, was shot dead in White Street in Cork city by three IRA men (Charlie O'Brien, Willie Joe O'Brien and Justin O'Connor), who were standing in a gateway, waiting for a target that never showed. The IRA unit were about to leave the area when they were spotted by O'Donoghue, who had just left his home at Tower Street, in full uniform, to make his way to the RIC barracks at Tuckey Street, about a half-mile of a walk from his house. According to reports of the incident, the RIC man "came upon" the IRA men and he was shot dead as a result.
The next day - the 18th November (1920), 100 years ago on this date - a gang of masked men, believed to be RIC and/or Black and Tans from the Tuckey Street barracks, forced their way in to the O'Brien house, looking for Charlie and Willie Joe ; they shot Charlie, leaving him for dead, and then shot his brother-in-law, Eugene O'Connell, who died at the scene. The British execution gang then broke into the near-by home of Patrick Hanley and shot him dead, and then turned their guns on his friend, Stephen Coleman, severely wounding him, and a James Coleman was also attacked by the gang and shot dead. An IRA investigation into how the IRA unit had been exposed led the organisation to believe that informers had been at work and three men were shot dead as a result - John Sherlock, 'Din-Din' O'Riordan and Eddie Hawkins (whose father, Dan, was seriously wounded in that action).
Incidentally, a week after they killed the RIC man, the Cork Command IRA officially apologised in writing to his family and let it be known that they were 'furious' that their Volunteers had taken it on themselves to carry-out that operation. No such apology was issued by the RIC or the Black and Tans.


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Initially thought to have been a road accident, Richie Barron's death became the focus of a murder investigation with the McBreartys and their extended family the main subjects of garda attention. The DPP refused to prosecute, but the McBreartys, their family members and staff continued to be the subject of garda attention ; Martin Giblin SC claims that between late 1996 and 1998, some 190 summonses were issued in what is alleged to be part of a harassment campaign by gardai following Richie Barron's death.
Some of the summonses were issued on foot of statements by garda informers, in respect of after-hours drinking and related matters in the McBreartys pub, 'The Parting Glass', and 'Frankies Niteclub' in Raphoe. These 'witnesses' - garda informers who gave evidence in court - have since been discredited and are themselves facing charges. All 190 summonses were subsequently withdrawn, but in prosecuting the summonses, garda gave evidence at Letterkenny District Court on a number of occasions, and it is in these circumstances that the High Court application to compel the Commissioner to investigate allegations of perjury by the five gardai arose.
A Garda Divisional Circular dated 20th March 1998 from the Detective Superintendent at Letterkenny, and addressed to "each Sergeant, each member/unit/office Letterkenny District" was circulated and signed by Superintendent Kevin Lennon. Entitled 'Campaign to discredit gardai in Donegal Division', it stated -'The attached is communicated for the information of all members. You will instruct compliance with the terms of this document or briefings of units, sections etc. You will ensure that these instructions are carried into effect..."(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (18TH NOVEMBER) 147 YEARS AGO : 'HOME RULE' ISSUE INTENSIFIES.
'ISAAC BUTT (1813-1879) POLITICIAN, BARRISTER AND PHILOSOPHER (pictured).
Isaac Butt was born in Glenfin, Donegal, on the 6th September 1813. His father, The Reverend Robert Butt, became Rector of St. Mary's Church of Ireland, Stranorlar in 1814 so Isaac spent his childhood years in Stranorlar. His mother's maiden name was Berkeley Cox and she claimed descendency from the O'Donnells. When Isaac was aged twelve he went as a boarder to the Royal School Raphoe and at the age of fifteen entered Trinity College Dublin.
He trained as a barrister and became a member of both the Irish Bar and the English Bar. He was a conservative lawyer but after the famine
('1169' comment - it was an attempted genocide) in the 1840s became increasingly liberal. In 1852 he became Tory MP at Westminster representing Youghal, Co. Cork and in 1869 he founded the Tenant League to renew the demand for tenant rights. He was a noted orator who spoke fervently for justice, tolerance, compassion and freedom. He always defended the poor and the oppressed. He started the Home Rule Movement in 1870 and in 1871 was elected MP for Limerick, running on a Home Rule ticket. He founded a political party called The Home Rule Party in 1873. By the mid 1870s Butt's health was failing and he was losing control of his party to a section of its members who wished to adopt a much more aggressive approach than he was willing to accept. In 1879 he suffered a stroke from which he failed to recover and died on the 5th May in Clonskeagh, Dublin. He was replaced by William Shaw who was succeeded by Charles Stewart Parnell in 1880. Isaac Butt became known as "The Father of Home Rule in Ireland". At his express wish he is buried in a corner of Stranorlar Church of Ireland cemetery, beneath a tree where he used to sit and dream as a boy.'(from here.)
On the 18th November, 1873 - 147 years ago on this date - a three-day conference was convened in Dublin to discuss the issue of 'home rule' for Ireland. The conference had been organised, in the main, by Isaac Butt's then 3-year-old 'Home Government Association', and was attended by various individuals and small localised groups who shared an interest in that subject. Isaac Butt was a well-known Dublin barrister who was apparently viewed with some suspicion by 'his own type' - Protestants - as he was a pillar of the Tory society in Ireland before recognising the ills of that creed and converting, politically, to the 'other side of the house' - Irish nationalism, a 'half way house', if even that - then and now - between British imperialism and Irish republicanism ie Isaac Butt and those like him made it clear that they were simply agitating for an improved position for Ireland within the 'British empire', as opposed to Irish republicans who were demanding then, and now, a British military and political withdrawal from Ireland.
Over that three-day period the gathering agreed to establish a new organisation, to be known as 'The Home Rule League',and the minutes from the conference make for interesting reading as they highlight/expose the request for the political 'half way house', mentioned above -'At twelve o'clock, on the motion of George Bryan, M.R, seconded by Hon. Charles Ffrench, M.P., the Chair was taken by William Shaw, M.R. On the motion of the Rev. P. Lavelle, seconded by Laurence Waldron, D.L., the following gentlemen were appointed Honorary Secretaries : — John O.Blunden, Philip Callan M.P, W.J.O'Neill Daunt, ER King Harman and Alfred Webb. ER King Harman read the requisition convening the Conference, as follows : —
We, the undersigned feel bound to declare our conviction that it is necessary to the peace and prosperity of Ireland, and would be conducive to the strength and stability of the United Kingdom, that the right of domestic legislation on all Irish affairs should be restored to our country and that it is desirable that Irishmen should unite to obtain that restoration upon the following principles : To obtain for our countiy the right and privilege of managing our own affairs, by a Parliament assembled in Ireland, composed of her Majesty the Sovereign, and the Lords and Commons of Ireland.
To secure for that Parliament, under a Federal arrangement, the right of legislating for, and regulating all matters relating to the internal affairs of Ireland, and control over Irish resources and revenues, subject to the obligation of contributing our just proportion of the Imperial expenditure. To leave to an Imperial Parliament the power of dealing with all questions affecting the Imperial Crown and Government, legislation regarding the Colonies and other dependencies of the Crown, the relations of the United Empire with Foreign States, and all matters appertaining to the defence and the stability of the Empire at large...'
(from here.)
The militant 'Irish Republican Brotherhood'(IRB) was watching those developments with interest and it was decided that Patrick Egan and three other members of the IRB Supreme Council - John O'Connor Power, Joseph Biggar and John Barry - would join the 'Home Rule League' with the intention of 'steering' that group in the direction of the IRB. Other members of the IRB were encouraged to join the 'League' as well, and a time-scale was set in which to completely infiltrate the 'League' - three years. However, that decision to infiltrate Isaac Butt's organisation was to backfire on the Irish Republican Brotherhood : the 'three-year' period of infiltration ended in 1876 and in August 1877 the IRB Supreme Council held a meeting at which a resolution condemning the over-involvement in politics(ie political motions etc rather than military action) of IRB members was discussed ; after heated arguments, the resolution was agreed and passed by the IRB Council, but not everyone accepted that decision and Patrick Egan, John O'Connor Power, Joseph Biggar and John Barry refused to accept the decision and all four men resigned from the IRB.
Charles Stewart Parnell was elected as leader of the 'Home Rule League' in 1880 and it became a more organised body - two years later, Parnell renamed it the 'Irish Parliamentary Party' and the rest, as they say, is history (with an interesting tangent along the way)!


'BRITISH GARRISONS AND THE BAN.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
At the weekly ceilidhe in Halla Mhuire, Glenn Colm Kille, on 20th October last, run under GAA auspices, the Club Secretary, Séan Heaney, who acted as 'Fear a Tíghe', thanked all present for their patronage.
Foreign games, he said, were *banned in the GAA because they were the popular outdoor pastime for the British garrisons here in Ireland, and I can well assure you that ceilidhe dancing, such as we have here tonight, was definitely not the popular indoor pastime of the garrisons. No, not likely!
On Sunday night, 17th October 1954, an attack on Omagh Military Barracks by armed men proves that there is yet in our country British garrisons ; our heartiest congratulations to those brave Irish boys who had the courage and daring to face the might of one of her Majesty's strongholds in our country!
(*A ban which, in our opinion, should never have been lifted. Bad enough that the invader is here, politically and militarily, without allowing him/her to participate, mingle and eavesdrop on us on the playing field.)
(END of 'British Garrisons And The Ban' ; NEXT - 'Kerry Honours Her Patriot Dead', from the same source.)


ON THIS DATE (18TH NOVEMBER) 100 YEARS AGO : 'HANSARD' TRANSCRIPT OF DEBATE ON CAPTURE OF FOUR ENGLISH OFFICERS IN CORK BY "REBELS".
HANSARD 1803–2005 - 1920s - 1920 - November 1920 - 18 November 1920 - Commons Sitting - IRELAND.
OFFICERS CAPTURED.
HC Deb 18 November 1920 vol 134 cc2072-4
Mr. PENNEFATHER (by Private Notice) asked the Secretary of State for War whether he had any information to impart relating to the four officers taken by force out of a train at Waterfall, County Cork, the day before yesterday, and carried off in rebel motor cars, and whether, in view of this further proof of the assistance to crime afforded by privately-owned motor cars, the Government would at once prohibit their use in the disturbed areas?
Mr. DEVLIN :"What is a "rebel motor car"?
The SECRETARY of STATE for WAR (Mr. Churchill):"The only information which I have at present is that two Education Officers, Captain M. H. W. Green, Lincolnshire Regiment, and Captain S. Chambers, Liverpool Regiment, and an officer of the Royal Engineers, Lieut. W. Spalding Watts, were captured by the rebels. I understand that Captain Green and Lieutenant Watts might have been witnesses of a murder of a police sergeant and that Captain Chambers was the principal witness against Father O'Donnell, who was arrested in October, 1919, for seditious speeches. Presumably, these are the reasons why they were kidnapped, but I do not know the circumstances of their capture. With regard to the last part of the hon. Member's question, I think ample powers already exist under the Restoration of Order in Ireland Regulations. Certain restrictions regarding the use of motor vehicles are already in force, and I understand that further drastic restrictions will come into operation on 1st December."
Mr. TERRELL :"Have these officers been released?"
Mr.CHURCHILL :"No."
Mr. DEVLIN :"The right hon. Gentleman brings in the trial, and the statement that Father O'Donnell was arrested for seditious language. For what reason ho dons(sic - 'he done'?) that, I do not know. Will he state that the court-martial acquitted him of that charge?"
Mr. CHURCHILL :"I did not attach importance to that. I have given the answer specially framed for me in answer to this question."
Mr. DEVLIN :"Who framed it for you?"
Mr. CHURCHILL "I had no communication whatever with the hon. Member (Mr. Pennefather), and there is no ulterior design behind the framing of the answer."(From here.)
We also found the following information in relation to this incident :
Capt M H W Green - removed and shot. Capt S Chambers - removed and shot. Lt W S Watts - removed and shot... there were 4 officers in mufti in a 3rd class compartment travelling from Cork (they thought it less conspicuous to travel 3rd class). There were 10 people in the compartment. The officers were en route to Bere Island. The soldiers were Lt R R Goode (inspector of Army Schools), Capt Reedy R.E., Chambers and Green. The train stopped at Waterfall, 6 miles from Cork. 3 armed civilians entered their compartment. Looking at Chambers one of these armed men said "That is one of them" and looking at Green said "That is the other". Chambers and Green were then marched out with their hands up and were last seen at the bridge over the railway....In 'The Year of Disappearances'(link here) the author makes a case for mistaken identity, for the Green the IRA wanted being George Edward Green, and not MHW Green...Watts had decided to travel First Class and was by himself. Reedy only realised Watts was missing when the train got to Kinsale Junction and he could not find Watts...Goode added to his statement that he knew that Chambers had been responsible for the arrest of Father O'Donnell (Chaplin to the Australian Forces) in Oct 1919 for seditious language....Goode also said that Chambers and Green had the previous week been witnesses to the murder of 2 RIC constables at Ballybrack in the course of a railway journey...Goode believed that Green was carrying an automatic pistol, but believed that the others were unarmed...1921 Nov 29- The IRA confirm that the men were executed, but details of their burial place did not emerge...(from here) and these British Army documents also make for interesting reading.
The lesson, whether it should have been learned in 1920 (if not centuries earlier!) or will be learned even at this late stage by those who think they have secured their political future and that of this Free State, is a simple one : 'Ireland unfree shall never be at peace'.


CABHAIR CHRISTMAS SWIM, 2020.
The 44th successive Cabhair Christmas Swim(1976-2020) will, as usual, be held on Christmas Day at 12 Noon at the 3rd Lock of the Grand Canal, in Dublin(opposite the Kelly's/Blackhorse Inn building in Inchicore, Dublin 8), but a 'Plan B' has been put in place by the organisers to take account of the circumstances brought about by the Covid 19 issue.
There are, as stated in early October on this blog, two possible scenarios regarding this event : it either goes ahead in full 'party'-type mode ie music, dancing, 'soup' for the adults(!), crowds etc etc, presuming that, by the 25th December 2020, Covid will have been dealth with or it takes place in a restrained manner to take account of Covid-enforced social distancing and other common-sense guidelines ie just the 'bare bones' - a reduced number of swimmers, one family member with each swimmer, a much-reduced Cabhair Crew on the ground and the public being asked to observe from a safe distance, with no foodstuffs, no 'lemonade or soup' (!), no music etc on site.
Whatis certain, however, is that, for the 44th successive year, the Swim will be going ahead, in one format or the other!
Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team.
You working from home? Still going into the job? Working at all? Lost the job because of the Covid lockdowns? Behind with the rent/mortgage? Trying to decide between paying the ESB bill or putting food on the table? No doubt you'll be delighted to know that those in Leinster House you voted for have no such concerns, thanks to your support for them. We hope you'll remember that when next they come seeking your support at the next election.




COMPETITORS 'INVF' AND 'ICA' JOIN FORCES AGAINST WESTMINSTER.

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ON THIS DATE (25TH NOVEMBER) 107 YEARS AGO : 'IRISH VOLUNTEER' GROUP FOUNDED IN DUBLIN.

On the 11th of November in 1913 in Dublin, in the then 68-year-old Wynn's Hotel on Lower Abbey Street, a group of Irishmen and women held a meeting to discuss the formation of an 'Irish National Volunteer Force'. Those present at that meeting and/or at five other such meetings which were held immediately afterwards in the space of a two-week period, included Sean Fitzgibbon, John Gore, Michael J Judge, James Lenehan, Michael Lonergan, Peadar Macken, Seamus O'Connor, Colm O'Loughlin, Peter O'Reilly, Robert Page, George Walsh, Peadar White and Padraig O'Riain, amongst others (all of whom were well known in Irish nationalist circles ie Sinn Féin, Cumann na mBan, Na Fianna Éireann, the Gaelic League, the IRB, the Irish Citizen Army, the Ancient Order of Hibernians, Irish Parliamentary Party and the United Irish League).
Then, on the 25th November 1913 - 107 years ago on this date - the inaugural enrolment meeting for the 'Irish Volunteers' was held at the Rotunda Rink in Dublin, to"secure the rights and liberties common to all the people of Ireland".That meeting was overseen by a Provisional Committee consisting of thirty members, all of whom had been elected at the above-mentioned meetings. A week previous to the formation of the 'Irish Volunteers', Jim Larkin and James Connolly had formed the 'Irish Citizen Army', and both groups were in competition for members, the former on a 32-county basis whereas the latter was confined to the Leinster area, although attempts were made, through trade union structures, to recruit in Cork, Belfast, Derry, Sligo, Limerick, Kilkenny, Waterford, Dundalk, Galway and Wexford, but with no success. Also, those joining the 'Volunteers' were supplied with a uniform and other equipment while those joining the 'ICA' had to purchase same themselves.
Relations between the two organisations were not the best, as the 'Volunteers' allowed, for instance, employers to join and this at a time when employees and other trade unionists would most likely be 'ICA' members or supporters and, actually, when the 'Volunteers' were in conference for the first time (25th November 1913)'ICA' members and supporters loudly made their presence felt and they also objected in print - their first leaflet stated that the 'Volunteers' were controlled by those who were opposed not only to trade unionism but also to workers rights re conditions etc.
Within a few months, however, the animosity had lessened to the extent that there was some official co-operation between both groups at the Wolfe Tone commemoration in June 1914 and again in October that year during the events held to commemorate Charles Stewart Parnell, and both groups joined forces at Easter 1916 and took part side-by-side in the 1916 Rising. 'Competitors', if you like, working around their differences to focus on the one true enemy - Westminster, and its military and political forces in Ireland.


'FIANNA ÉIREANN ARD FHEIS.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Opening speech by the Chief Scout, NFE -
"As the eyes of the nation once again swing upon the Republican Movement it is inevitable that many who are now returning to their old ideals will remember almost as inevitably before all other things their days in the Fianna. This is because the deeds of childhood and the happiness of youth spent in noble company will always outlive other memories.
We of Fianna must now take stock of our relative position in the Movement and ask ourselves where do we stand. Are we capable of taking our position again in Ireland as we did in the past? That position which was filled so nobly and so well in the past by all those who have passed through our ranks. Our ideal of loyality, service and honour must be ever before us. Remembering the deeds of the first Fianna who defended our land from the first invaders, let us strengthen ourselves, physically and spirtually, living daily our Code of Honour, putting our God and our Country before ourselves so that we will always be a source of inspiration to the youth of our country, so that we may play the noble part which Fianna has always played in defence of Ireland's freedom and independence."

The annual Ard Fheis of Fianna Éireann was held in Number 9 North Frederick Street, Dublin, on Sunday, 8th May, 1955. Delegates attended from the different units throughout the country and Seoirse Dearle, Ath Cliath, was elected as Chief Scout and, in the course of an address, he called on all units to assist the efforts of the incoming Headquarters Staff and Ard Coiste in their plans for reorganisation. The delegates were unanimous in approving of the Fianna uniform and of the raising of the standard of Scouting in general...(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (25TH NOVEMBER) 99 YEARS AGO : BRITISH 'SERVICE PROVIDERS' IN IRELAND PREPARE TO TURN THEIR BORROWED* WEAPONRY ON IRISH REPUBLICANS (*Borrowed from the British).
On the 25th November 1921 - 99 years ago on this date - Michael Collins and Arthur Griffith arrived in Dublin, from London, where they had taken part in negotiations on a 'Peace Treaty' with the British and one of the clauses that caused dissension in the ranks of the Irish republicans was a British demand that 'Ireland shall recognise the British Crown for the purposes of the Association as symbol and accepted head of the combination of Associated States'.
The military and political sections of the republican movement were split over what the British demanded and what they should be given and Collins, among others, sensed that an 'in-house' compromise was not going to be reached and, by February 1922, he was openly recruiting for a new 'National Army' from among those who, like himself, reluctantly(?) accepted the 'Peace Treaty' : he was assembling, in effect, an armed military junta in Ireland to enforce British demands re their 'Treaty'. Collins and his people assured Westminster that they would secure the 'Treaty' and all it encompassed and, on the 6th December 1921, the 'Treaty', which partitioned Ireland, was signed.
The British began to withdraw their own proper soldiers(as opposed to their surrogates, the Free State Army) from the bases which they had been occupying and some of these bases were then taken over by Irish republicans and, in late June 1922, the new Free State Army borrowed heavy weaponry from their new allies in Westminster and proceeded to enforce the British writ in Ireland.
The rest, as they say, is history but, incredibly, the lessons learned remain unheeded by some (and more so by others) but have been taken on board by republicans who continue to campaign for a full British military and political withdrawal from Ireland, despite the best efforts of the above-linked advocates of accommodation.


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
The "attached" was a letter marked 'CONFIDENTIAL' from the Garda Siochana Chief Superintendent's Office, Letterkenny Division of Donegal, dated 27th February 1998, entitled - 'Re Campaign to discredit Gardai in Donegal Division'. It said -
'I refer to the attempts to discredit gardai from the Division and other members involved in the Barron investigation. There is information to hand to suggest that Frank McBrearty (Senior) from Raphoe is financing a campaign to discredit members of the force. The campaign is being operated mostly by Mr Billy Flynn, and sometimes trading as 'Zimmerman & Co' from Enfield, County Meath.
Members of your distract force, and gardai who assisted in the investigation into Richard Barron's death, should be notified of this matter, and directed to report any incidents or unusual contact that may occur either with Mr McBrearty and his extended family or Mr Billy Flynn and his employees. This document is for garda use only and is confidential."The letter was signed by Chief Superintendent DN Fitzpatrick.
The existence of these circulars came to the attention of the McBrearty's legal team and, on six occasions when Frank McBrearty applied for them in pursuance of his case, gardai denied their existence. Martin Giblin SC told the High Court that Superintendent Lennon had also denied their existence. Lennon was subsequently shown to have been the author of one of the circulars and, in July 2001, he was transferred to administrative duties at Garda Headquarters in the Phoenix Park in Dublin.
Chief Superintendent Denis Fitzpatrick, who issued the controversial Divisional Circular in February 1998, was transferred to the 'National(sic) Traffic Policy Bureau' in Dublin and three other officers, including Detective Superintendent John McGinley and two officers of garda rank, were also transferred in an almost unprecedented move. It was the first time for over twenty years that gardai in such numbers and of such high rank had been transferred following internal inquiries...(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (25TH NOVEMBER) 95 YEARS AGO : FREE STATE LEADERS FURTHER HUMILIATED BY THE BRITISH.

On the 25th November 1925 - 95 years ago on this date - the then Free State President, William Cosgrave, and his 'Minister for Home Affairs', Kevin O'Higgins, arrived in Downing Street in London for a meeting with British Prime Minister Stanley Baldwin and Stormont 'Prime Minister''Sir' James Craig. Within nine days (ie by the 3rd December 1925), the Free Staters had been 'sold' a(...nother!)'pup' by the British.
On the 3rd December 1925, all those present at a meeting (ie all those mentioned above) agreed that the 'border', as fixed 5 years earlier in the '1920 Government of Ireland Act' and as stated in the 1921 Treaty of Surrender, would so remain, and an agreement was signed to that effect by those present. But the British, no doubt smelling fear and relief at the same time from the Free Staters, wanted more 'concessions' : they pushed for, and got, a separate agreement that the 'Council of Ireland' (a 'talking-shop' which the 1921 Treaty promised to set-up) be scrapped (even though it had not, in fact, ever been established!) and, as a final insult to the Free State 'negotiators', the British demanded that they repay the compensation which Westminster had paid to them for damage which the British themselves had caused in Ireland during the Black and Tan War!
And, in for a (British) penny, in for a (British) pound - no doubt by now realising the 'calibre' of the men they were up against, the British also insisted, and again, got, a commitment from the Free Staters that they would continue to pay land annuities to the British Exchequer!
The above shambles, and many others, occurred during 'negotiations' between Westminster and the then newly-minted Free State administration during meetings which were held as part of the 'Boundary Commission' remit, a useless talking shop which the Staters shamelessly sold to their own followers as a 'political vehicle' which they could use to wring concessions from Westminster. For instance, On 2nd February 1922, a meeting was held between Michael Collins and the Stormont 'Prime Minister', 'Sir' James Craig. Voices were raised over the issue/structure/terms of reference of the Boundary Commission, and the meeting ended abruptly over the matter. However, 'spin' and 'PR'(media manipulation) was immediately employed by both sides - at a press conference following that failed meeting, 'Sir' James Craig (Stormont 'PM') claimed that the British Prime Minister, Lloyd George, had assured him that the Boundary Commission"...would deal only with minor rectifications of the boundary .." ; in effect, that the Boundary Commission was a useless 'talking-shop' which had only been set-up to help the Free Staters to 'sell' the 'six County idea' to other Free Staters.
However, Michael Collins claimed that he had left that same meeting with a promise, from the British,"...of almost half of Northern Ireland (sic) including the counties of Fermanagh and Tyrone, large parts of Antrim and Down, Derry City, Enniskillen and Newry." Obviously, both men could not have been right ; it is straightforward to state that the 'Boundary Commission' idea was a 'sweetener', if you like, to be used by both sides to convince their respective 'flock' that the British were really on their side!
We wrote about that 'Commission' and all its failings, in consecutive posts, beginning here (click on the 'Newer Post' link for part 2, and same again for part 3 etc).


'KERRY HONOURS HER PATRIOT DEAD.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
A limestone Memorial was unveiled on Sunday, 3rd October 1954, at Knockanes, Headfort, County Kerry, to the memory of Section Commander Michael O' Sullivan IRA, Cloghane, who was shot by Free State forces during the Civil War. There was a very large crowd present at the unveiling and Mrs P. Riordan, NT, Killala - a sister to the late Section Commander M O'Sullivan - recited a decade of the Rosary in Irish.
Mr Jeremiah Donoghue, Lacca, Killarney, presided and said -"We are assembled here today to pay tribute to a soldier of the IRA ; Section Commander Mick O' Sullivan, who gave his life in this spot in the fight for freedom. We should bear in mind that in erecting this Memorial and in paying tribute such as this we are not paying the debt we owe him. Only when the youth of Ireland will give their allegiance to the IRA as he did, and complete the task he left unfinished will the debt we owe him be repaid. It is only fitting that the task of unveiling and delivering the oration should be performed by men who through all these years haven't faltered in their allegiance to the principles this soldier cherished so dearly."
Mr Mick Lynch, The Spa, Tralee, said -"He felt very honoured to be asked to perform the unveiling ceremony to his comrade, Mick O'Sullivan, who gave his life in defence of the Republic. I and all his comrades who knew him knew of no greater and fearless a soldier, and I appeal to all his comrades and especially to the young men to remain faithful to the Cause for which he laid down his life. That Cause still remains unfinished and until Ireland is free, men like Mick O'Sullivan will give their lives 'till the last British soldier is driven out of Ireland..."(MORE LATER.)


CABHAIR CHRISTMAS SWIM, 2020.
The 44th successive Cabhair Christmas Swim(1976-2020) will, as usual, be held on Christmas Day at 12 Noon at the 3rd Lock of the Grand Canal, in Dublin(opposite the Kelly's/Blackhorse Inn building in Inchicore, Dublin 8), but a 'Plan B' has been put in place by the organisers to take account of the circumstances brought about by the Covid 19 issue.
There are, as stated in early October on this blog, two possible scenarios regarding this event : it either goes ahead in full 'party'-type mode ie music, dancing, 'soup' for the adults(!), crowds etc etc, presuming that, by the 25th December 2020, Covid will have been dealth with, or the Swim will take place in a restrained manner to take account of Covid-enforced social distancing and other common-sense guidelines ie just the 'bare bones' - a reduced number of swimmers, one family member with each swimmer, a much-reduced Cabhair Crew on the ground and the public being asked to observe from a safe distance(ie the bridge, or further up the canal), with no foodstuffs, no 'lemonade or soup' (!), no music etc on site, which should help to prevent a crowd from gathering at the actual Swim spot.
Whatis certain, however, is that, for the 44th successive year, the Swim will be going ahead, in one format or the other!
Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team.
Not working from home? Not going into the job because it's no longer there? Working part-time? Have you lost your job because of the Covid lockdowns? Are you, like many others, behind with the rent or mortgage? Are you trying to decide between paying the gas bill or putting food on the table? No doubt you'll be delighted to know that those in Leinster House you voted for have no such concerns, thanks to your support for them. We hope you'll remember that when next they come seeking your support at the next election. Ask them how come they themselves haven't suffered financially if, indeed, 'we are all in this together'? Then vote for them, or maybe a differently-branded one of them ; hopefully, you'll eventually come to the conclusion that it's the whole political system that's broken in this State, regardless of the 'brand' of politician that seeks your vote to operate same.



IN A SEWER PIPE IN SHALLOW 'LIQUID' FOR FIVE HOURS - IRA PRISON ESCAPE.

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ON THIS DATE (2ND DECEMBER) 49 YEARS AGO : THREE IRA PRISONERS JOIN NINE OF THEIR COMRADES!
Crumlin Road Jail, Belfast (pictured) - known for its good quality bed sheets...
In November 1971, there were more than 700 IRA prisoners being held in Crumlin Road Jail in Belfast, with at least the same number again 'housed' in Long Kesh and other prisons. All had access to an exercise yard and, in Crumlin Road Jail, the escape committee decided to use that yard as part of their plan to free three of their number - Martin Meehan, Anthony 'Dutch' Doherty and Hugh McCann. The plan was for the three men to hide themselves under a sewer manhole in about two feet of 'water', which they did - on the 2nd December 1971, 49 years ago on this date - for about five hours.
As luck would have it, when they eventually let themselves out, a thick fog had settled in the area, giving good cover. They ran for the prison wall and, using bed sheets which they had roughly fashioned into a rope ladder, with a home-made 'hook' tied to the top of the 'ladder', they managed to scale the wall. Within hours, Martin Meehan and Hugh McCann were in a safe house in the Free State and their comrade, Anthony Doherty - who stayed in Belfast following the escape - joined them two weeks later.
Incidentally, on the 17th November 1971 - about two weeks before the above-mentioned 'rope ladder' escape - nine other IRA prisoners had also escaped from that same prison with the use of rope-ladders! The nine were Thomas Kane, Seamus Storey, Bernard Elliman, Danny Mullan, Thomas Fox, Tom Maguire, Peter Rogers, Christy Keenan and Terrence 'Cleaky' Clarke and all of them escaped in two cars which were waiting for them on the near-by Antrim Road. To add further to the distress caused to the then British 'Home Affairs Minister', Brian Faulkner, and his side-kick, 'Sir' Edmund Compton("...torture would never happen in a British jail..") by those jail breaks, they were referenced in a popular song of the time -
OVER THE WALL.
In Crumlin Road Jail all the prisoners one day
took out a football and started to play,
and while all the warders were watching the ball
nine of the prisoners jumped over the wall!

Over the wall, over the wall,
who would believe they jumped over the wall?
over the wall, over the wall,
It's hard to believe they jumped over the wall!

Now the warders looked on with the greatest surprise
and the sight that they saw brought tears to their eyes,
for one of the teams was not there at all
they all got transferred and jumped over the wall!

Now the governor came down with his face in a twist
and said "Line up those lads while I check out me list,"
but nine of the lads didn't answer at all
and the warder said "Please Sir, they're over the wall."

The 'security forces' were shook to the core
so they barred every window and bolted each door,
but all their precautions were no use at all
for another three prisoners jumped over the wall!

Then the news reached old Stormont, Brian Faulkner turned pale
when he heard that more men had escaped from his jail,
said he - "Now we'll have an enquiry to call, and we'll get Edmund Compton to whitewash the wall."

Ah, whitewash : the second-favourite liquid used in Westminster, after Earl Grey, of course...!


'FIANNA ÉIREANN ARD FHEIS...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

A camp under the auspices of the Dublin Brigade was held over the Whit weekend in the Glencree Valley, County Wicklow - it was graced with very fine weather and was attended by 30 scouts. Officers from GHQ supervised a vigorous programme of scout training, embracing semaphore, knots, campcraft etc. An enjoyable campfire was held on Sunday with the surrounding hills echoing to the sound of marches and ballads after which tired and happy scouts turned in to sleep like the logs in the nearby woods!
Note - new Headquarters address : all correspondence should be addressed to Fianna Eireann, Sean Tracey House, 94 Sean Tracey Street, Dublin.
(END of 'Fianna Éireann Ard Fheis'. NEXT - 'Sinn Féin Victory Rally', from the same source.)


ON THIS DATE (2ND DECEMBER) 100 YEARS AGO - QUESTIONS IN WESTMINSTER RE 'ESCAPING' IRISH PRISONERS BEING SHOT BY BRITISH FORCES IN IRELAND ARE SIDE-STEPPED.
Ireland, 1920 : a flavour of the chaos inflicted here by the British political and military presence : in January that year, the 1st Cork Brigade of the IRA captured Carrigtwohill 'Royal Irish Constabulary' (RIC) barracks, in February the 'Home Rule Bill' was published, in which Westminster voiced its intention to establish a 128-member 'parliament' in Dublin and a 52-member 'parliament' in Belfast despite knowing, from previous partition experiments, that two 'parliaments' in one country was a receipe for political disaster, Sinn Féin Lord Mayor of Cork, Tomás Mac Curtain, was murdered in his house by British forces in March, in April a hunger-strike began in Mountjoy Prison in Dublin by IRA prisoners who were demanding POW status, in May that year forty IRA prisoners who were on hunger-strike in Wormwood Scrubs in London, England, were released and in June an armed British militia in Ireland, the RIC, got the go-ahead from Westminster to'officially' shoot republicans dead.
In July 1920, those deemed not fit for the regular British forces in Ireland were given a new home in the 'ADRIC' ('Auxiliary Division Royal Irish Constabulary') and in August Terence MacSwiney went on hunger-strike in Brixton Prison in England. In September the 'Black and Tans' destroyed more than fifty properties in Balbriggan town in Dublin, a British militia, the 'USC', was established in October, in November fourteen British spies were executed in Dublin by the IRA and in December 1920 Westminster declared 'Martial Law' in Cork, Kerry, Limerick and Tipperary.
Questions re 'the Irish situation' surfaced occasionally in the grand halls of Westminster and, on the 2nd December 1920 - 100 years ago on this date - the following exchange took place in that venue but was dismissed by the chairperson as 'the wrong question having been asked' :
Lieut-Commander KENWORTHY asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland how many prisoners in Ireland have been shot dead while trying to escape, according to police reports, up to the end of November of this year and during the present year; how many have been wounded; and how many of these were handcuffed at the time of their death or wounding?
Mr. GALBRAITH asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what is the total number of persons who have been shot at in Ireland when attempting to escape from custody; and how many of such persons have been wounded and killed, respectively?

Mr. HENRY : According to the police reports the number of prisoners fired at while attempting to escape from custody within the period from 1st January to 30th November, 1920, is 11. Of these nine were killed and two wounded. One of the prisoners killed and one of those wounded are stated to have been handcuffed while attempting to escape.
Lieut-Commander KENWORTHY : Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that when the bodies have been given to the relatives that in many cases those men have been found to be riddled with bullets through the head: how does he think that men can try to escape from police lorries; and can he inform me if all these cases have been investigated by a court of inquiry?
Mr. HENRY : I must have notice of that question.
Mr. MacVEAGH : Can the Attorney-General say whether the figure he has quoted includes those shot dead on the allegation that they were attempting to resist arrest?
Mr. HENRY : The question put to me was as to the number of men shot whilst attempting to escape from custody.
Lieut-Commander KENWORTHY : Surely the right hon. and learned Gentleman can say whether there has been an inquiry into these cases, in view of the very serious allegations made and reported in the newspapers throughout the country?
Major O'NEILL : Is the right hon. and learned Gentleman aware that when General Lucas was captured, the officer who was captured with him attempted to escape, and was shot by the Sinn Feiners?
Mr. MacVEAGH : Also does the right hon. and learned Gentleman know that when General Lucas was released he stated that he had been treated with the greatest consideration by his captors?
Mr. SPEAKER : We are getting a long way from the question on the Paper...
(HANSARD 1803–2005 ? 1920s ? 1920 ? December 1920 ? 2 December 1920 ? Commons Sitting ? IRELAND. ESCAPING PRISONERS [SHOOTING]. HC Deb 02 December 1920 vol 135 cc1410-1 1410.)(From here.)
That was 100 years ago and shows that those political defenders of British imperialism were as quick then as they are now to use obfuscation in an attempt to 'neutralise' an embarrassing situation. But Irish republicans had been fighting the British writ in Ireland centuries before the Westminster parliament was established and - no obfuscation here - will continue to do so, in one form and/or another, until they remove themselves, politically and militarily, from our country!


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
At the time of the transfers, Garda Commissioner Pat Byrne said that they were"..in both the public interest and the interests of the Garda Siochana and should not be seen as an indication of any wrongdoing by those directed on transfer."Fine Gael TD Alan Shatter said the Commissioner's statement and actions in transferring the officers did not adequately address public concern over events in Donegal.
In the course of proceedings at Letterkenny District Court, no less than five gardai had, on oath, denied the existence of such a document. Following the circulation of these orders, the summonses became "a cascade", according to Martin Giblin SC, and it became apparent that certain members of the force were intent on accusing the McBreartys of involvement in the death of Richie Barron, despite the lack of evidence.
Frank McBrearty cites unlawful arrest, slander and false imprisonment in a detailed affidavit setting out the extent of the harassment campaign against his family. He says his life and that of his family has been a "living hell", and that they "will never get over it - it's destroyed our lives for the past five years".
To date, despite several garda inquiries, including the long running Carty Inquiry, the report of which has been with both the Commissioner and Justice Minister John O'Donoghue for some considerable time, the outcome of these inquiries has not been made public. During the Carty investigation, senior politicians such as Labour TD Brendan Howlin and Fine Gael's Jim Higgins, who raised the issue of garda corruption allegations in the Dail(sic), spoke of their concern at the manner in which the inquiry was being conducted. Brendan Howlin told 'Magill' that, following his contact with the Minister for Justice on foot of new information he had received about the internal garda investigation, detectives from the 'National(sic) Bureau of Criminal Investigation' called to his home in Wexford, and questioned him. Howlin was concerned about the course of the inquiry...(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (2ND DECEMBER) 43 YEARS AGO : ESCAPED IRA LEADER CAPTURED AFTER 50 MONTHS ON THE RUN.

In March 1973, IRA leader Joe Cahill was arrested by the Free State Navy in Waterford, aboard the Claudia, a ship from Libya loaded with five tons of weapons, and was sentenced to three years imprisonment, and another IRA leader, Seamus Twomey (pictured), was appointed IRA Chief of Staff.In early October that year, Twomey was caught and arrested by the Free Staters and imprisoned in Mountjoy Jail, which meant that three top IRA operatives (Twomey, J.B. O'Hagan and Kevin Mallon) were now housed in the one location - and the IRA wanted them back!
An 'American businessman', a 'Mr. Leonard', approached the manager of the 'Irish Helicopters' company at Dublin Airport and discussed hiring a helicopter for an aerial photographic shoot in County Laois and, after being shown the company's fleet of helicopters, this 'businessman' booked a five-seater Alouette II helicopter for October 31st.
'Mr Leonard' arrived at Irish Helicopters on the day and was introduced to the pilot of the helicopter, a Captain Thompson Boyes, who was instructed to fly to a field in Stradbally, County Laois, to pick up photographic equipment.
After landing, the pilot saw two armed and masked men approaching the helicopter from nearby trees and he was held at gunpoint and told he would not be harmed if he followed instructions. 'Mr Leonard' left the area with one gunman, while the other gunman climbed aboard the helicopter armed with a pistol and an Armalite rifle. Captain Boyes was told to fly towards Dublin following the path of railway lines and the Royal Canal, and was ordered not to register his flight path with Air Traffic Control. As the helicopter approached Dublin, Boyes was informed of the escape plan and instructed to land in the exercise yard at Mountjoy Prison.
On Wednesday, 31st October 1973, at 3.40pm in the afternoon, the Alouette II helicopter landed in the 'D Wing Exercise Yard' of Mountjoy Prison in Dublin, when a football match was taking place between the prisoners, and Twomey, O'Hagan and Mallon jumped aboard, but were quickly spotted(!) by an alert(!) prison screw who used his training and power of intuition to take immediate action - he *called on the screws at the gate to close them over as he feared the helicopter was trying to escape (*according to the RTE 'Scannal - Prison Break' programme!).
Another IRA prisoner who was in the yard at the time recalled how an embarrassed screw told him that he had apologised to the prison governor in relation to the incident, saying that he thought the helicopter contained a visiting (Free State) Minister for Defence (and well-known publican) Paddy Donegan : the IRA prisoner replied that , in fact,"..it was our Minister of Defence leaving...!"
All three men reported back to the IRA and continued their work for the Movement but, after a few weeks of freedom, Kevin Mallon was recaptured at a GAA Dance in the Montague Hotel in Co. Laois on 10th December 1973, J.B.O'Hagan was recaptured in Dublin in early 1975 and Seamus Twomey managed to remain uncaptured until December 2nd, 1977 - 43 years ago on this date - after the Special Branch came across him in a 'suspicious car' parked in Sandycove, in Dublin. He had managed to evade the forces of 'law and order', North and South, for fifty months, despite been hunted by the best that Leinster House and Westminster could throw at him!


'KERRY HONOURS HER PATRIOT DEAD...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
Mr Sean Ryan, Tralee, in his oration, said"We are assembled here today to unveil this little limestone memorial to a republican soldier who gave his life so that Ireland might be free. Ireland still remains in the hands of that tyrant England, and while this is the position the young men of Ireland must be prepared to carry on the fight for freedom and die if necessary in its defence, like the man they were honouring today.
There will always be men found in Ireland to challenge the might of England. In the last decade we had Charlie Kearns, Sean McCaughy, Maurice O'Neill and several others and we had, the other day, a unit of the IRA carrying out such a daring raid in the strongest military barracks in occupied Ireland and stripping it completely of all its equipment."
The meeting then closed, and Jeremiah Donoghue thanked all those who attended. Mr E. Looney, Sculptor, Killorglin, appealed for financial support for the East Kerry Memorial Committee.
(END of 'Kerry Honours Her Patriot Dead' ; NEXT - 'Alice French RIP', from the same source.)


CABHAIR CHRISTMAS SWIM, 2020.
The 44th successive Cabhair Christmas Swim(1976-2020) will, as usual, be held - later on this month - on Christmas Day at 12 Noon at the 3rd Lock of the Grand Canal, in Dublin(opposite the Kelly's/Blackhorse Inn building in Inchicore, Dublin 8), but a 'Plan B' has been put in place by the organisers to take account of the circumstances brought about by the Covid 19 issue.
There are, as stated already on this blog, two possible scenarios regarding this event : it either goes ahead in full 'party'-type mode ie music, dancing, 'soup' for the adults(!), crowds etc etc, presuming that, by the 25th December 2020, Covid will have been dealth with, or the Swim will take place in a restrained manner to take account of Covid-enforced social distancing ('Level 3', at the time of writing) and other common-sense guidelines ie just the 'bare bones' - a reduced number of swimmers, one family member with each swimmer, a much-reduced Cabhair Crew on the ground and the public being asked to observe from a safe distance(ie the bridge, or further up the canal), with no foodstuffs, no 'lemonade or soup' (!), no music etc on site, which should help to prevent a crowd from gathering at the actual Swim spot.
Whatis certain, however, is that, for the 44th successive year, the Swim will be going ahead, in one format or the other!
Thanks for reading - Sharon and the '1169' team.
On Monday last, 30th November 2020, at 12 Midnight, the regime in Leinster House introduced a change for the State in relation to Covid restrictions ; we went from 'Level 5' to 'Level 3'. It is an IBEC/business-requested/instructed change, purely for economic reasons rather than health reasons and will no doubt lead to more draconian measures in late January/early February 2021. Indeed, the quango established by the Leinster House institute to advise on those issues has itself voiced concern over going from '5' to '3' but, due to the fact that our society is geared towards capitalism, the concern expressed was ignored
(not for the first time, either).
Capitalism, the attitude it spawns and those who gladly and greedily operate within and agree with its structures will cause more harm and destruction to every society than any other virus could. We need a new political system, before it's too late.




THE 'MASTER-MINDS' OF THE ANTI-FREEDOM STRUGGLE IN IRELAND.

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ON THIS DATE (9TH DECEMBER) 47 YEARS AGO : ANOTHER FALSE TREATY ACCEPTED BY THE FREE STATERS.
The 'Sunningdale Agreement' was an attempt in 1973 by Westminster at a 'power-sharing' arrangement between the British political establishment and Irish 'civil-right' nationalists regarding the British-occupied six north-eastern counties of Ireland. The document was signed by British PM Edward Heath and Free State 'Taoiseach' Liam Cosgrave on the 9th December 1973(47 years ago on this date) at Sunningdale Park Hotel in Berkshire, England, and spawned a 'power-sharing Northern Ireland Executive' and a cross-border 'Council of Ireland', both of which were rejected by the then republican movement (but which were accepted by the UUP, the SDLP, Free State Labour Party and the Alliance Party) and, indeed, the whole set-up collapsed within a year and 'direct rule' from Westminster was imposed.
When, 25 years after Sunningdale(ie in 1998)a similar half-way-house treaty was being promoted by the political establishments in this country and England and by the Provisional organisation, the republican leadership here again spoke out about yet another bad treaty - "...the great unanswered question before history is why did Paisley on the one hand and the present Provo leadership on the other not accept and work the Sunningdale Agreement of 1973 which offered more and for which less was to be paid than the 1998 Belfast Agreement? Did we, as a people, have to endure 25 years more of sacrifice and suffering until both elements were poised to divide the major share of the spoils of office between them...when the Framework Documents were issued in 1995 (what) Irish people were facing was a repeat of Sunningdale with the Provos on board this time. Indeed, the British Prime Minister Edward Heath is reported as saying that "..the Good Friday Agreement was modelled on Sunningdale. But the present prime minister has never acknowledged that. He may even be ignorant of it for all I know. But obviously we know the people who were working out the new agreement went back over the whole of Sunningdale and more or less copied it."
But the Stormont Deal was actually less than Sunningdale. The l973 Agreement provided for an evolving Council of Ireland while the 1998 accord contains the possibility of merely cross-border bodies which would be responsible to the New Stormont and cannot grow and develop without the permission of that Unionist-dominated assembly. Further, the 26-County State has paid more for the Stormont Agreement than it did for Sunningdale. Articles 2 and 3 of the 1937 Constitution were not given away in 1973; in 1998 they were and the nationalist people of the Six Occupied Counties were reduced – in the eyes of the 26-County State – to the level in rights of people with one Irish grandparent living as far away as Australia or New Zealand..."
The republican position, then as now, can be summed-up in the words of Seán MacDiarmada -"We bleed that the nation may live. I die that the nation may live. Damn your concessions, England; we want our country."


'SINN FÉIN VICTORY RALLY.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

A Sinn Féin Northern election victory rally was held in Dublin on Saturday, 5th June last, at which Seoirse Dearle, who presided, said that the cynics and the "hurlers on the ditch" who had criticised Sinn Féin's intention to contest the 12 Northern seats in the British imperial elections were confounded when, on nomination day, all the 12 nominatioons were filled.
Cries of vote splitting were also levelled at the Movement from all sides, completely ignoring the fact that Sinn Féin in contesting all seats were providing all the republicans of the Six Counties with an opportunity to express as a whole their desire to be free. Many of them had not had that constitutional means of expression for over 30 years.
Liam Fogarty, a fellow-student of Philip Clarke TD, called on the youth of Ireland to take inspiration from the courageous unselfish deeds of men like Eamon Boyce and Tom Mitchell. Michael Traynor, Ard Runaidhe Sinn Féin, and one of the candidates in the elections, stressed the weakness in our national economy through our connection with Sterling...(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (9TH DECEMBER) 63 YEARS AGO : UNITED IRISHMEN, THE LONDON TIMES AND POLITICAL ACTORS...
The following article was published in 'The United Irishman' newspaper in January 1958 -'An article in 'The London Times' newspaper of December 9th, 1957(63 years ago on this date), entitled 'Actors In The Political Scene', stated :'The country families of the North of Ireland, after surrendering control to the captains of industry for a long period, are well established in the present government.'There, perhaps, is the key to the whole situation : the 'lords of land' and the 'barons of industry' who together make up the Tory-Unionist Ascendancy, the 'master-minds' with Britain's Tories, of the anti-freedom struggle in Ireland. These are the 'gentry' who imposed their views on the Orange rank-and-file under the guise of religion - the ones who stand to lose most by separation from Britain. It is those gentlemen who act as Britain's puppets in Ireland : even those who consider themselves as 'left-wingers' can be enticed to forget where they came from.
In a fit of pitiful pleading, David Bleakley stated :"It is an anachronism that an economically insecure Northern Ireland should exist in the midst of an industrially thriving British community. Ulster's labour force is ready, anxious and able to work its way through to prosperity. All it asks is to be given the tools and the jobs." He should have said that the whole concept of Occupied Ireland is an anachronism - that the only way we can all 'work our way through to prosperity' is by first winning vocational independence and driving British imperialism from our land. That would be wisdom but one does not expect wisdom for Ireland in the columns of 'The London Times' newspaper...'
The word 'anachronism'('something [such as a word, an object, or an event] that is mistakenly placed in a time where it does not belong in a story, movie, etc/ a person or a thing that seems to belong to the past and not to fit in the present..') is apt when describing the continuing military and political occupation of part of Ireland by Westminster, but unfortunately it's not only in the columns of English newspapers that such wisdom is absent. We have, and always have had, our 'Times' readers here, too.


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Brendan Howlin told 'Magill' -"Before they arrived I spoke to Jim Higgins. They had also been in contact with him. They appeared anxious to establish the source of our information. This wasn't to be taken lightly. They came to me as if I was under some sort of suspicion myself. They said we need to get information, we need to get the name of the source."The Carthy Inquiry, set up to investigate the circumstances surrounding the case, found itself conducting a widespread inquiry into allegations of garda corruption and incompetence in the Donegal Division.
At the time of Richie Barron's death, three on-duty gardai, together with one off-duty member, attended the scene, but failed to preserve the 'scene of crime'. Evidence, including bloodstains, was washed away by locals in the belief that it had been a car accident ; gardai continued to investigate the accident and, by early December, officers were drafted in from outlying districts to carry out multiple arrests of the extended McBrearty family. Four detectives arrived from Dublin and attended a pre-arrest conference in Letterkenny Garda Station ; some gardai expressed doubts about the legality of the powers of arrest in relation to some of the suspects, in particular that of Roisin McConnell, wife of Mark McConnell, who was also arrested as a suspect.
A young garda, Tina Fowley, was one of those casting doubts on the legality of the arrests - she was later to make a statement claiming a superior officer, who was at the pre-arrest conference, showed her a 'half-sheet', which is used to take statements from suspects, and she stated that"..there was writing on this sheet of paper, covering approximately a third of the page.There also was the name 'Frank McBrearty' written in long hand at the end of this writing. Also on the table in front of (named officer) was a black-and-white photocopy of a manuscript signature of the name 'Frank McBrearty'...(named officer) showed me the half-sheet and asked me 'was that a good likeness?' I took this to mean were both signatures alike. I thought it was a practical joke. I started laughing and so did he.."(MORE LATER.)


'ALICE FRENCH RIP.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
'Oh how I wish that Ireland had a voice
To speak the praise of her whose heart is stilled
To beat no more in triumph to rejoice
Or grieve for those by foe or traitor killed.


What lips could frame an elegy for you
Whose heart encompassed all whose blood was shed
To cool the fevered brow of Roisin Dhú
That now you rest with our immortal dead.


Be this the epitaph they'll carve for you ;
Her life was spent to lift the Saxons' curse
She strove for Ireland, and 'till death was true -
Her sword still smites in all her searing verse.
By M. Ó Cinnéide.
(END of 'Alice French RIP' ; NEXT - 'Cavan Ceremony', from the same source.)


CABHAIR CHRISTMAS SWIM, 2020.
The 44th successive Cabhair Christmas Swim(1976-2020) will, as usual, be held - later on this month - on Christmas Day at 12 Noon at the 3rd Lock of the Grand Canal, in Dublin(opposite the Kelly's/Blackhorse Inn building in Inchicore, Dublin 8), but a 'Plan B' has been put in place by the organisers to take account of the circumstances brought about by the Covid 19 issue.
There are, as stated already on this blog, two possible scenarios regarding this event : it either goes ahead in full 'party'-type mode ie music, dancing, 'soup' for the adults(!), crowds etc etc, presuming that, by the 25th December 2020, Covid will have been dealth with, or the Swim will take place in a restrained manner to take account of Covid-enforced social distancing ('Level 3', at the time of writing) and other common-sense guidelines ie just the 'bare bones' - a reduced number of swimmers, one family member with each swimmer, a much-reduced Cabhair Crew on the ground and the public being asked to observe from a safe distance(ie the bridge, or further up the canal), with no foodstuffs, no 'lemonade or soup' (!), no music etc on site, which should help to prevent a crowd from gathering at the actual Swim spot.
At the time of writing, it's looking like it's 'Plan B' that will be put into operation on Christmas Day at the Swim site, but we'll hold our whist for now and hope for the usual, party-type affair on the day. Whatis certain, however, is that, for the 44th successive year, the Swim will be going ahead, in one format or the other!


ON THIS DAY NEXT WEEK (WEDNESDAY 16TH DECEMBER 2020).....
...we won't be posting our usual contribution, and probably won't be in a position to post anything at all ; this coming weekend (Saturday/Sunday 12th/13th December 2020) is spoke for already with a 650-ticket raffle to be run for the Cabhair organisation (work on which began yesterday, Tuesday 8th) and the 'autopsy' into same which will take place on Monday evening 14th via 'Zoom'.
Then it's straight back to the preparations for the Cabhair Christmas Swim, which is the 44th successive such event. Our next 'normal'(!) post will be on Wednesday 23rd December 2020, although if anything grabs our attention between this and then we might do a 'ghoster' - but it would wannabe good!

At the time of writing, this State is still governed by the Leinster House-enforced 'Level 3' restrictions in relation to Covid which, compared with 'Level 5', offers some small comfort in regards to visiting loved ones in nursing home and some relaxing of travelling and shopping etc. But the ports in this State remain open for business, and this despite the fact that, for instance, in America, internal travel has been severly curtailed but business people and tourists from that curtailed country (and other countries) can freely enter this State and travel around!
That is as good an example as any of what is described here as 'an Irish solution to an Irish problem' ie put that 'law' on paper, refer any questions or queries about it to that written text and assure himself/herself that's asking about it that 'all is in hand (sure it'll be grand on the day...)'! And that, for the most part, is acceptable to most of the citizens here, as its being like that since this corrupt entity of a Free State was spawned in 1922 and most people will shrug their shoulders and declare 'ah sure, it's about the best we can do..'.
Its attitudes like that that Irish republicans want to change - we shouldn't just accept 'second best' and/or 'half-baked' so-called 'solutions' : we, as a Nation, are worth more than that. We deserve more than that, and we have earned more than that. And we will have more than that. Wewill have that which we are entitled to!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.



"THE MOST GRATUITOUSLY VIOLENT RUC ATTACK ON ANY FUNERAL.."

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ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 36 YEARS AGO : RUC DISRUPT REPUBLICAN FUNERAL.
IRA Volunteer Ciarán Fleming (pictured) -'On Sunday 2nd December 1984, IRA Volunteers Antoine Mac Giolla Bhríghde, from Magherafelt, County Derry and Ciarán Fleming, who had broken out of Long Kesh prison in the Great Escape of 1983, were preparing to mount an operation against crown forces near Drumrush in County Fermanagh when Mac Giolla Bhríghde saw a car parked on the lane which he believed to contain civilians. Approaching the car to tell the occupants to leave the area, undercover SAS members opened fire, hitting him in the side. Cuffed with plastic stays, Mac Giolla Bhríghde was tortured before being summarily executed. His comrades, when later debriefed, reported hearing a single shot, then screaming, and a short time later a further burst of machine gun fire, after which the screaming stopped....'(from here.)
Ciarán Fleming'...drowned in Bannagh River, near Kesh, County Fermanagh (while) escaping from a gun battle between undercover British Army (BA) unit and Irish Republican Army (IRA) unit. His body (was) found in the river on 21st December 1984..' (from here) Ciarán was buried on the 23rd December 1984 - 36 years ago on this date - and his funeral was at the time described as'...the most gratuitously violent RUC attack of the year on any funeral. Many of the RUC had come in full riot gear of helmet, shield and body armour, to show that they were intent on violent disruption. Several times during a tense and exhausting funeral which lasted three full hours, the RUC baton-charged the mourners, which encouraged near-by children, standing on a wall, to throw stones at them in reprisal : the RUC then fired at least four plastic bullets into the funeral cortege, seriously injuring two people. During the afternoon, numerous mourners suffered bloody head wounds and one man was knocked unconscious by the RUC.
Stewards were often forced to halt the proceedings because of this harassment but, despite the RUC's terror, the people stood firm and, in a twilight Bogside, three uniformed IRA Volunteers stepped out of the crowd and paid the IRA's traditional salute to their fallen comrade, as a forest of arms were raised in clenched-fist salute. Finally , thanks to the courage of thousands of nationalists, Volunteer Ciaran Fleming was laid to rest..' (from 'IRIS' magazine, October 1987.)
IRA sources that were contacted at the time by journalist Ed Moloney stated that Ciarán Fleming'...was noted for his hard line militarist republicanism. He is reputed to have backed a plan to form full-time guerrilla units or 'flying columns' based in the Republic, which would carry out four or five large scale attacks in the north a year. This approach was espoused by the militant Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade led by Padraig McKearney and Jim Lynagh, who wanted an escalation of the conflict to what they termed "total war". They were opposed by Kevin McKenna, the IRA Chief of Staff and by the republican leadership headed by Gerry Adams, on the grounds that actions on that scale were too big a risk and unsustainable. The IRA leadership wanted a smaller scale campaign of attrition, supplemented by political campaigning by (Provisional) Sinn Féin....' (from here.)
That "political campaigning by Provisional Sinn Féin" has seen that grouping morph into a slightly more-nationalist political party than either of the latter-day Fianna Fáil or SDLP organisations but, true to form, like Fianna Fáil and the SDLP, the Provisional Sinn Féin party has distanced itself (except verbally) from Irish republicanism. It's an easier life, with a salary and a pension, neither of which were available when Adams and company professed to be advocates of change rather than that which they are now (and have been for the last 37 years, at least) ie advocates of British accommodation in Ireland.


'SINN FÉIN VICTORY RALLY...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Michael Traynor, Ard Runaidhe, Sinn Féin, said that the Ireland of today with its emigration and unemployment was not the nation visualised by James Connolly, nor did it enjoy the freedom for which he gave his life.
Seán O Riain, on behalf of the Comhairle Ceanntar Sinn Féin Ath Cliath, thanked all those who had helped to provide funds and cars for the election, in particular the Dublin Civil Servants and the employees of CIE, the Irish Bricklayers Society and the residents of Fairview who formed a committee to collect in their area for Tom Mitchell's election fund. Other speakers were Eamon Thomas and Seosamh MacCriostail, Ath Cliath.
(END of 'Sinn Féin Victory Rally'. NEXT - 'Splendid Fight', from the same source.)


ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 49 YEARS AGO : TED HEATH, BRITISH PM, VISITS IRELAND, CALLS FOR PEACE. BUT IGNORES BRITISH VIOLENCE.
British PM Ted Heath, right, with his friend Jimmy Savile.
On the 23rd December 1971 - 49 years ago on this date - British PM Edward Heath paid a visit to the Occupied Six Counties of north-east Ireland and declared his 'determination to end the violence', making it clear in the process that he was referring to the then IRA campaign to remove the British military and political presence. Five weeks after that visit, his troops let loose with live rounds in the Bogside area of Derry, killing fourteen Irish people and, as a PR exercise, Heath(and his sidekick, Reginald Maudling) set up the 'Widgery Inquiry' into the massacre.
'Lord' Widgery proceeded to exclude the political background to the shootings, a politically motivated decision, as was suggested by the minutes of an extraordinary discussion between Widgery, Edward Heath and the British 'Lord Chancellor', 'Lord' Hailsham, at Downing Street, two days after the massacre, on the evening before the British 'Commons' announcement of Widgery's appointment to conduct the 'inquiry'. Among"..a number of points which I [Edward Heath] thought it right to draw to the Lord Chief Justice's [Widgery] attention (was that) it had to be remembered that we were in Northern Ireland(sic) fighting not just a military war but a propaganda war..." and, indeed, Heath is on record as saying that the Derry Guildhall building would be unsuitable as a venue for tribunal hearings as it"...was on the wrong side of the River Foyle.."(ie - the 'Catholic/Nationalist' side)!
It should be noted that the day before the Bogside massacre (ie on Saturday 29th January 1972), the RUC and the British Army issued the following joint statement :"Experience this year has already shown that attempted marches often end in violence and (this) must have been foreseen by the organisers. Clearly, the responsibility for this violence and the consequences of it must rest fairly and squarely on the shoulders of those who encourage people to break the law. The (British) security forces have a duty to take action against those who set out to break the law..."
Mutinous talk there, from that joint statement because, if they were to do their 'duty', then they would have had to "take action" against themselves and their own political leaders, including Edward Heath. But considering that Heath and his political establishment were pals with the Jimmy Savile's of their world, then it should have been obvious to all that they would have no 'duty' of care or responsibility to 14 dead Irish people.


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Garda Tina Fowley stated that she thought no more about it "until recently, when concerns about the veracity of the statement of admission had been expressed in the media". Later that evening, a named officer claimed to have a signed confession from Frank McBrearty Junior admitting the killing of Richie Barron. Other gardai in the station were "stunned" - they claim they clearly heard McBrearty Junior protesting his innocence throughout the period. He continues to deny ever having made any such statement.
Garda Tina Fowley also made statements regarding "two distinct sets of notes" relating to the detention of Roisin McConnell on the 4th December, which she says an officer asked her for. She refused, phoned a superior officer at home, and was told to get the original notes out of the office and into the custody of another named officer. Tina Fowley's honesty and courage resulted in her being subjected to harassment from some of her colleagues. She claims her computer was interfered with, she was given little or no work to do, a dead rat was left on her doorstep, and she received threatening letters and phone calls. A colleague said that "what Tina did was not popular with certain people".
Eventually she was forced to leave Letterkenny - on sick leave from the force. She had paid a heavy price for her commitment to honesty and justice, the very qualities we expect from our police officers. Through her solicitor, Damien Tansy, in Sligo, she has issued proceedings against the Garda Commissioner and Attorney General for breach of contract, failing to secure a safe place of work and loss of legitmate expectations...(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 81 YEARS AGO : IRA REMOVE GUNS AND AMMUNITION FROM A FREE STATE FORT.
"Now's here's a proof of Irish sense
Here Irish wit is seen
When nothing's left that's worth defence,
We build a Magazine."
(Jonathan Swift)
The Magazine Fort, Phoenix Park, Dublin(pictured) - built in 1735, raided by republicans twice ; in 1916, when thirty members of the Irish Volunteers and Na Fianna Éireann captured the building and took guns and withdrew from the area and again in 1939 - on the 23rd December, 81 years ago on this date - when, at about ten pm on that Saturday night, an IRA man walked up to the Free State sentry who was guarding the locked gate and told him that he had a parcel for his commanding officer. The sentry unlocked the gate only to be faced with a revolver pointed at his head : he was held there as other IRA men entered the Fort and then the hapless State soldier was forced to lead the IRA men to the guardroom where they ordered the Free Staters to surrender, which they promptly did.
13 lorries were then driven into the complex and crates containing Thompson machine guns and ammunition (estimated at 1,084,000 rounds!) were removed from the premises and neither side suffered any casualties. However, State soldiers who were based in the nearby Islandbridge Barracks were perplexed as to the reason why such a heavy volume of truck traffic was entering and leaving the Phoenix Park and they went to investigate : two of the IRA raiders were captured but their comrades made good their escape, complete with that which they came for. However, within a week most of the liberated munitions (including about 850,000 bullets) had been recovered by the Staters : two-and-a-half-tons were seized in Dundalk, County Louth, eight tons recovered in Swords, County Dublin, sixty-six cases of Thompson machine guns and ammunition were seized from an arms dump in South Armagh and 100 crates containing 120,000 bullets recovered in Straffan, County Kildare.
Also, on March 1st, 1940, Jack McNeela and Jack Plunkett - two of the many republicans who were 'lifted' by the Staters following the 'Fort Raid'- were sentenced to two years and eighteen months respectively on a charge of "conspiring to usurp the function of government" by, of all things, operating a 'pirate' radio transmitter. On March 5th, 1940, Tony D'Arcy and Michael Traynor, both arrested during a raid on the Meath Hotel, Parnell Square, Dublin, the previous month, where an IRA meeting was being held to plan an attack in the Six Counties, were sentenced to three months imprisonment for refusing to answer questions. After being sentenced, the four prisoners were transferred to Arbour Hill Prison, Dublin and, on March 27th 1940, they were moved to St Brican's Military Hospital next to the prison. On April 1st that year they were joined there by Tomas MacCurtain and Thomas Grogan, both of whom were still awaiting trial. MacCurtain was charged with shooting dead a Special Branch detective in Cork and Thomas Grogan with taking part in the Magazine Fort raid.
On April 16th, 1940, Tony D'Arcy, a native of Headford, County Galway, died after 52 days on hunger strike ; Jack McNeela, a native of Ballycroy, Westport, County Mayo, died three days later, after 55 days on hunger strike. The fast ended that night when the prisoners were informed that their demands had been met. The hunger strike began on February 25th, 1940, in Mountjoy Jail, Dublin, and resulted in the deaths of two IRA Volunteers.



'CAVAN CEREMONY.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
He had only one message ; it was that any young Irishman worth his salt should know how to use arms in defence of his freedom. This was stated by Mr Tomas MacCurtain, of Cork, when he unveiled a memorial in Cavan to eight soldiers of the IRA who gave their lives during the War of Independence.
The limestone memorial - the work of Mr Leo Broe, Harold's Cross Road, Dublin - represents a Volunteer, and the names inscribed on the granite base are : Captain Thomas Sheridan, Drumcrow ; Staff Captain Joseph McMahon, Kilmaley, County Clare ; Volunteer Seán McEntyre, Laggan ; Staff Captain Michael E. Baxter, Kildoagh ; Volunteer Seán MacCartney, Belfast ; Staff Captain Edward B. Boylan, Corratober ; Captain Andy O' Sullivan, Denbawn, Cavan and Commandant Thomas Fitzpatrick, Cavan Brigade.
A wreath was placed on the monument on behalf of the Memorial Committee by Miss Mary Brady, Chairman, Cavan UDC, and another wreath was laid, inscribed from the 'Thomas McMahon Sinn Féin Club, Kilmaley, County Clare.' Before the ceremony, 200 Cavan IRA veterans, members of Cumann na mBan and a body of young men paraded through the town to the music of the three local bands. The ceremony ended with the playing of the National Anthem.
(This report was published in 'The Irish Press' newspaper on the 25th October 1954, and reprinted in 'The United Irishman' newspaper in November 1954.)
(END of 'Cavan Ceremony' ; NEXT - 'Fellow-Workers Generous Gesture', from the same source.)


ON THIS DATE (23RD DECEMBER) 98 YEARS AGO : 'VOICE OF LABOUR' ROARS!
Liam Mellows(pictured) wrote, in his last letter to his mother -"The time is short and much I would like to say must go unsaid. But you will understand in such moments heart speaks to heart. At 3.30 this morning we [Dick Barrett, Rory O’Connor, Joe McKelvey and I] were informed that we were to be "executed as a reprisal"...I go to join Tone and Emmett, the Fenians, Tom Clarke, Connolly, Pearse, Kevin Barry and Childers. My last thoughts will be on God, and Ireland, and you. I had hopes that some day I might rest in some quiet place – beside Grandfather and Grandmother in Castletown (Co. Wexford), not amidst the wordly pomps [sic] of Glasnevin but if it is to be the prison clay, it is all the sweeter for many of our best lie here...". That was on December 8th, 1922 - he was then executed by a Free State Army firing squad. However, forty-six years after that execution (ie in 1968) more information regarding that deed was made public ; in a letter to the media forty-six years after the execution of Liam Mellows (ie on April 24th, 1968) a Free State Army Captain, Ignatius O'Rourke, who was present at the execution of Liam Mellows and the other three men - Dick Barrett, Rory O'Connor and Joe McKelvey - wrote that, a few minutes before Mellows was shot dead he [Mellows] sent for the prison chaplain, a Father McMahon. Captain O'Rourke wrote that"... a few minutes later...I saw Father McMahon leaving the room [cell]..accompanied by Liam Mellows, with his right arm around Liam's shoulders, and they walked along together leading the group as we all walked to the sandbags. Liam and Father McMahon appeared to be in deep, friendly conversation, with no sign of discord, disagreement or argument, just like two men discussing some point in a friendly fashion. They continued to talk until Father McMahon left Liam in the number one position at the sandbags ..."
Fifteen days after his execution(ie on the 23rd December 1922 - 98 years ago on this date) an article he had written, entitled'Labour and the Irish Republic' was published in the trade union 'Voice of Labour' newspaper : "Industries will receive encouragement ; employment will increase ; the natural resources of the country tapped ; emigration stopped ; education put on a proper basis, and direct contact with the outside world established. Yet all this, resulting as it would in the country being richer and more prosperous, would not mean that the freedom of Ireland has been attained if the economic system remained unchanged. A political revolution in Ireland, without a co-incident economic revolution, simply means a change of masters - instead of British capitalists waxing rich on the political and economic enslavement of Ireland, as at present, we would have Irish capitalists waxing rich on the political freedom, but continued enslavement, of Ireland. We do not want a change of masters* : it would be foolish, surely, to free Ireland from foreign tyranny today, and less than twenty years hence to have to free it from domestic tyranny*. Therefore, the Irish Republic must have for its foundation the people. It is they who are freeing Ireland, and it is for the people - all the people - that it is being done, not for any section or group.
The Dail Éireann had this clearly in mind when, at its first session, in January 1919,it issued its 'Programme of Democratic Policy' that the soil of Ireland and all that grew upon it and lay under it, as well as all the wealth and wealth-producing processes in the country, should belong to the people. In the last analysis, the fight between the Irish people and the British government is not alone one between two nations : it is more than that - it is a struggle between two systems of civilisation, between the feudal system of England under its present guise of industrialism and the democratic system upon which the old civilisation of Ireland was built. A vestige of that civilisation remains in Ireland today - it is growing, expanding, and the end of foreign rule in Ireland will usher in not alone a new political era in Ireland, but a new economic one as well."
*Unfortunately, as Mellows opined, above, the citizens in this part of Ireland - the so-called 'Free State' - have had 'a change of masters/domestic tyranny' imposed on them, not only by an outside force (Westminster, which established the Leinster House 'parliament') but by a force that they themselves are responsible for - the ballot box. "The foundation, the people", as referenced above by Liam Mellows, are for the most part made of clay and it is a relief that Mellows and his comrades did not live to witness the hypocritical shambles that the political institution on Kildare Street in Dublin, and those voters that time and again 'legitimise' that Free State cess pit, converted his efforts into. Small mercy that the man went to his grave believing that his contribution to the struggle for freedom would help to achieve a proper Irish democracy rather than the 'whats-in-it-for-me' political culture that has hijacked his efforts.


CABHAIR CHRISTMAS SWIM, 2020.
The 44th successive Cabhair Christmas Swim(1976-2020) will be held - in two days time - on Christmas Day, at 12 Noon, at the 3rd Lock of the Grand Canal, in Dublin(opposite the Kelly's/Blackhorse Inn building in Inchicore, Dublin 8), but a 'Plan B' has been put in place by the organisers to take account of the circumstances brought about by the Covid 19 issue.
The Swim will not be going ahead in full 'party'-type mode ie music, dancing, 'soup' for the adults(!), crowds etc ; it will take place in a restrained manner to take account of Covid-enforced social distancing ('Level 3', at the time of writing) and other common-sense guidelines ie just the 'bare bones' - a reduced number of swimmers, one family member with each swimmer, a much-reduced Cabhair Crew on the ground and the public being asked to observe from a safe distance(ie the bridge, or further up the canal), with no foodstuffs, no 'lemonade or soup' (!), no music etc on site, which should help to prevent a crowd from gathering at the actual Swim spot.
Definitely not the ideal, or usual, manner, for this event, but Covid circumstances have dictated that this is how it must be for 2020. This blog will be represented by one person(usually all three of us are there) and we'll miss the party atmosphere for sure, but we'll wring whatevercraic we can out of it, and gladly contribute whatever we can to it. It's for a good Cause - hope to see as many of ye as possible there, on the day. Safely and socially distanced, of course!

We won't be here next Wednesday, 30th December 2020 ; taking a little break over the Christmas, getting our house in order for 2021 and will probably still be cleaning up after the holiday madness! But we'll be back on Wednesday, 6th January 2021 or, if yerthat desperate for our company(!), you can catch us on New Years Day at the Dáithí Ó Conaill wreath-laying ceremony in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin, at 1pm.
NOLLAIG SHONA DAR LEITHEOIRI!
Ar eagle an dearmaid ....
Ba bhrea an rud e siochain bhuan bunaithe ar an gceart a bheith againn in Eireann. Is i an bronntanas is fearr a d'fheadfaimis a thabhairt duinn fein agus dar gclann.
Coinniodh an ceart agus an tsiochain uainn le breis agus ocht gcead bliain, de bharr ionradh, forghabhail agus miriaradh na Sasanach. Socru ar bith a dheantar in ainm mhuintir na hEireann agus a ghlacann le riail Shasana agus a dhaingnionn an chriochdheighilt, ni thig leis an ceart na an tsiochain bhuann a bhunu.
Ni dheanfaidh se ach la na siochana buaine a chur ar an mhear fhada agus an bhunfhadb a thabhairt do ghluin eile. Tharla se seo cheana nuair a siniodh Conradh 1921 agus cuireadh siar ar mhuintir na hEireann e in ainm na siochana. Is mor ag Sinn Fein Poblachtach Eire a bheith saor agus daonlathach, an cuspoir ceanna a bhi i gceist ag Wolfe Tone agus ag na Poblachtaigh uile anuas go dti 1916 agus an la ata inniu ann.
Rinne a lan fear agus ban croga iobairti mora , thug a mbeatha fiu , ar son na cuise uaisle seo.
CEART. SAOIRSE. DAONLATHAS.


A PEACEFUL CHRISTMAS TO OUR READERS!
Least we forget...
A just and permanent peace in Ireland is most desirable. It is the greatest gift we could give to ourselves and our children. We have been denied justice and peace for more than eight centuries, because of English invasion, occuption and misrule of our country.
Any arrangement which, in the name of the Irish people, accepts English rule and copperfastens Britain's border in this country will not bring justice and lasting peace. It will only postpone the day of permanent peace, handing over the basic problem to another generation.
This happened before when the Treaty of 1921 was signed and was forced on the Irish people in the name of peace. Republican Sinn Féin cherishes the objective of a free, democratic Ireland, as envisaged by Wolfe Tone and all republicans down to 1916 and our own day. Many brave men and women sacrificed a lot, even their lives, for this noble Cause.
JUSTICE. FREEDOM. DEMOCRACY.
Beannachtai na Nollag agus slan go foill anois!

Thanks for reading, Sharon and the 1169 team ; hope to see ye all back here on Wednesday, 6th January, 2021 but, in the meantime, you might read a few paragraphs from us here, if you're that way inclined!



PIRA COLOUR PARTY, BA HELICOPTER...AND THE CHASE TO CONVICT.

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ON THIS DATE (6TH JANUARY) 34 YEARS AGO : IRA OTR CAPTURED BY FS SPECIAL BRANCH.
On Easter Sunday morning, 1978, seven Donegal Provo recruits crossed the border to Derry City ; they had been chosen to form the Colour Party for the Easter Commemoration ceremony that afternoon, leading the Easter Parade through the Creggan and Bogside where Dáithí Ó Conaill delivered the oration.
After the event, the Colour Party members went into the Rossville Street flats, stripped off their paramilitary clothes and dark glasses and got into casual clothes. The back road from Creggan to the border had been checked and cleared, they were assured. Some of the seven men wanted to go for a few pints and then take the bus home but, under protest, they all piled into the one car and were driven off. The joint British Army/RUC patrol which intercepted them minutes later already had photographs of all seven men taken from a helicopter during the Easter Parade. IRA membership would be easy to prove.
Two of the seven men detained were from Letterkenny in County Donegal ; Patrick McIntyre of Ard O'Donnell and his colleague, Jim Clarke(pictured). Patrick McIntyre is the fifth of a family of nine, who did his 'Leaving Certificate'(school examination) in 1976 and, after taking a six months AnCo (state work-training) course, started working on a building site in Letterkenny. As a youth, Patrick was, as friends describe him, a 'withdrawn kind of a lad'. His involvement with the IRA was to surprise the entire family. But he had been impressed by the 1916 plaque in Saint Eunan's College, by the sight of Derry refugees taking shelter in Letterkenny, of the (Free State) Army on stand-by near the border, by emotive speeches by politicians and by the 'Arms Trial'. He mixed with Official Sinn Fein members in the early 1970's : they held meetings in a room over a pub in Letterkenny where local issues were discussed. But he always stayed clear of public displays and not a word was said at home.
However - the IRA Colour Party had now been detained by the British 'security forces' and, after 14 months on remand in the North, Patrick McIntyre came before a judge ; he was in deep trouble, as he had signed a statement admitting involvement in the attempted 'murder' of a UDR member ('Ulster[sic] Defence Regiment', a pro-British militia) near Castlederg in County Tyrone, in late 1977. McIntyre refused to recognise the court, was convicted and given a fifteen year jail sentence ; Jim Clarke was also jailed for the Castlederg attack - he got eighteen years. The first part of their detention was spent in Crumlin Road Prison and the two men were then transferred to the Kesh at a time when the campaign for retention of political status was intensifying ; they took part in the Blanket Protest and were still there during the 1981 Hunger-Strike. They were two of the 38 inmates who escaped from the prison in September 1983. Patrick McIntyre managed to stay loose for two days ; cameramen were alerted to film him and another escaper, Joe Corey, being recaptured near Castlewellan, County Down.
Re-captured within two days after the September 1983 jail-break, Patrick McIntyre(pictured) had to wait three years and three months to get a second chance ; with less than six months of his original sentence left, he was due three days 'rehabilitation parole' as Christmas 1986 approached. The prison authorities opposed his release because the trial of the Maze escapers was pending, but McIntyre defeated their objections before the courts. The Provisionals approved his absconding - they believed the recently introduced 'rehabilitation' gimmick was geared to cause divisions in their structures within the prisons. By December 20th, 1986, the RUC were looking for him but he was over the border, in Donegal, getting his hair tinted!
On the twisty main road between Killybegs and Kilcar, in West Donegal, there is a white flat-roofed dwelling in the townland of Cashlings ; some Gardai consider it 'a safe house'. Raymond 'The Rooster' McLaughlin, a well-known IRA activist, was suspected of stopping off there not long before he drowned, accidentally, in a pool, in County Clare, in 1985. Shortly after eight o'clock on the morning of 6th January 1987 - 34 years ago on this date - Aiden Murray and other armed Free State detectives raided the house.
They roused a young man from his sleep - he was wearing pants only and, when asked his name, he hesitated before telling them he was 'Colm McGuire'. He requested to see a doctor and solicitor and refused to answer any further questions. Detective Aiden Murray promptly arrested 'McGuire' on suspicion of being a member of the IRA. The Gardai were back at base in Ballyshannon with their prisoner soon after nine o' clock ; they still had no official identity for him and, in accordance with his wishes, a local solicitor, John Murray, was sent for ; he arrived and, after consulting with the man in the cell, he told gardai during a casual conversation that the prisoner was Patrick McIntyre of Ard O'Donnell, Letterkenny. The gardai say that minutes afterwards they received information which possibly linked McIntyre to a robbery in Ballyshannon before Christmas and that they began questioning him about this crime. By mid-morning the word was out in Donegal : Paddy McIntyre had been collared and the prospect of extradition loomed. By that afternoon, a Belfast solicitor, Pat Finucane, was contacting a colleague in Dublin.
The legal defence was prepared in the tiny rooms over a swop-shop along Ormond Quay, near the Four Courts, in Dublin, where solicitor Anne Rowland, a native of Ballina, County Mayo, set up her own firm. Her penchant is for the cut and thrust of criminal cases. On accepting the McIntyre brief, she immediately sought out barrister Patrick Gageby - they had worked together before ; Evelyn Glenholmes and Gerard Tuite were among those they had represented. Rowland and Gageby immediately agreed that their defence case would focus on the circumstances of McIntyre's arrest and detention. They were told that an extradition application would come before District Justice Liam McMenamin at Ballyshannon District Court on January 7th (1987). Before leaving for County Donegal, Rowland put the state on notice that she would require in court the garda who performed the Section 30 arrest and the Garda Officer who signed the order extending Patrick McIntyre's detention for a second 24 hour period.
About one hundred Sinn Féin protestors had gathered outside the court as Patrick McIntyre was escorted from a prison vehicle ; in the melee, nobody noticed three plainclothes detectives sliding another man past - RUC member Robert Herron. He was needed to identify Patrick McIntyre. As he rose to speak, Sinn Féin members immediately headed for the exits but gardai told them the doors would have to be kept closed. Then, his identity unknown to those outside, the RUC man was discreetly and safely brought past the crowds before the hearing ended. Chief Superintendent Patrick Murphy was in the witness box - a stranger to the area, he had been transferred from Limerick to Letterkenny, in Donegal, on promotion the previous October.
Murphy gave evidence of signing the Section 30 Extension Order for a second 24 hour period. State Solicitor Ciaran McLoughlin asked him nothing further. District Justice McMenamin had no questions, and Defence Counsel Patrick Gageby kept quiet. Chief Superintendent Patrick Murphy left the witness box ; defence counsel Patrick Gageby didn't even attempt to smile ; but he did believe that 'the door had been left ajar'. Early last year Patrick Gageby and Anne Rowland had unsuccessfully appealed the three convictions of County Louth men in the Drumree Post Office murder trial - Garda Frank Hand had been killed in an armed robbery. In the Court of Criminal Appeal, however, Gageby had spotted one sentence and quietly filed it away. He now suggested that Chief Superintendent Murphy had not informed the court of his state of mind when signing the extension order ; it had not been proven that the garda officer had the requisite mental element to justify the detention. State Solicitor Ciaran McLoughlin was quickly on his feet trying to answer the point ; District Justice McMenamin adjourned the hearing to consider this and other legal matters raised.
When the case came before District Justice mcMenamin again in Donegal town on January 14th (1987), he again heard Defence Counsel Patrick Gageby question the validity of the Section 30 extension ; but Judge McMenamin dismissed the arguments and granted the extradition order. An appeal was immediately lodged in the High Court.
McIntyre's case was becoming something of a cause celebre ; on March 10th (1987), when Leinster House met to elect a leader ('Taoiseach'), Independent Donegal Leinster House member, Neil Blaney(pictured), demanded that the extradition arrangements between Britain and Ireland"be repealed so that in the interim a young county man of mine, by name McIntyre, be not extradited." But when the case came before Mr Justice Gannon in the High Court in May 1987, Defence Counsel Patrick Gageby had further 'ammunition' - as well as the ruling in the McShane, McPhilips, Eccles (Drumree) case which included this phrase in relation to the person issuing extension orders -"is bona fide suspected by him of being involved in the offence for which he was arrested."
Gageby had the additional support of a Supreme Court ruling of April 3rd (1987) which confirmed that a Chief Superintendent must give evidence of his suspicions when he is issuing an extension order ; it is not sufficient to confirm that he issues the order, he must say why. Patrick McEntee SC had been added to the defence team - McIntyre's supporters were confident of victory. On the afternoon of 7th May 1987, Patrick McIntyre was freed, courtesy of a legal loophole which has since been closed ; the Provisionals had a motorbike waiting outside the courtroom and he was driven off at high speed and was within seconds in city centre traffic. Garda had eighteen further warrants in relation to Patrick McIntyre ; his extradition was still being sought by the British, but he was then on the run.
OTR Patrick McIntyre net with a journalist in a nondescript suburban room. His physical appearance has not altered since the Donegal court hearings - maybe he is a little less fidgety, but he speaks in a soft voice which frequently quivers. The sentiments are resolute. He was sleeping when the gardai came to the house in south Donegal, he says :"I gave the surname of the people who own the house but they didn't believe me. They said I was Patrick McIntyre." Yet the evidence given by gardai in court suggested that the prisoner was not positively identified until solicitor John Murray named him in Ballyshannon garda station. It was also stated that the detectives went to Kilcar after a 'tip-off' that an armed man or men had been seen in the area. It appears the gardai were not aware they would find Patrick McIntyre in the house. It has not been possible to establish whether they knew him by sight ; they seem to have 'struck lucky' - and then got the procedure wrong. As Patrick McIntyre says -"The situation I'm in now prevents me from walking around in this country. I am not wanted for anything in this jurisdiction ; I am being sought for things related to the British administration. If the Birmingham Six were in the 26 Counties now, they could and would be extradited. If the British issue warrants for any person's extradition, the request will come before the Irish courts and the person opposing it must pay his own costs."
The free legal aid scheme does not apply to extradition cases ; costs in the Patrick McIntyre case, expected to run into several thousand pounds, will be paid by Sinn Féin. Asked about his family and his future, Patrick McIntyre stares at the floor -"They let me out for three days to attend my mother's funeral in March. I was told the best I could expect was to go there escorted, in handcuffs, but I fought the case for compassionate bail in the High Court and won. Then there was a rumour that the decision might be appealed by the state and I was thinking about that all the way during the journey from Dublin to Donegal. That was a shattering experience.
I tried to spend the three days with my family. There were thousands of people at the funeral and at the house. It was the first time that we had the family together for a long time, and we had photographs taken. I met a lot of people that I grew up with. Just before I left, my sister gave me a Saint Patrick's Day card that my mother had written, to me, in Saint Luke's Hospital..."
A knock comes to the door - it is time for him to go. What does he intend to do now?, I ask -"Make it third time lucky. Or at least stay out longer than the past two times...", he replies.


'SPLENDID FIGHT.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

'Letter to the Editor', from The Secretary, Sinn Féin, Glasgow ;
'Congratulations on your splendid fight in the Six Counties. Over 152,000 votes is a great achievement in such a short time and you fought in areas that had been shamefully neglected in the past. Mo ghoirm thú.
Go forward to the fight! Ireland surely could lose no more in battle than is pouring from her into the industrial slums of Britain, there to be lost forever to her, mentally and physically'.
Signed 'Irish Exile'.
(END of 'Splendid Fight'; NEXT - 'In Memoriam', from the same source.)


ON THIS DATE (6TH JANUARY) 81 YEARS AGO : REPRESSIVE FREE STATE LAWS UPDATED.
On the 6th January 1940 - 81 years ago on this date - the then Free State President, Douglas Hyde (pictured) stated that it was his intention to convene his 'Council of State'(this was the first such meeting ever of said body) to discuss a bill he was asked to sign, concerning an amendment to the heavy-handed 'Offences Against the State Act 1939', which would have allowed the Leinster House administration to intern Irish-born citizens in a move said to be necessary in the Free State's fight against the IRA.
It should be noted that those who wanted that power fully intended to use it against men and women that they had fought side-by-side with only twenty years previously.
Two days later(ie on the 8th January 1940) the 'Council' held a meeting in a Free State residence in Dublin's Phoenix Park(behind closed doors, minutes not made public) following which Hyde announced that he was going to refer the proposed amendment/legislation to the Free State 'Supreme Court', stating that he also intended to seek a judgement on the 'Offences Against the State (Amendment) Bill 1940' in its entirety. The 'Supreme Court' replied that, in its opinion, it was within the power and the authority 'of the Oireachtas, consistent with the Constitution, to enact such legislation'. Hyde then signed the necessary paperwork, no doubt having convinced himself that he had done all in his power to prevent further injury to the republicans he would have associated with during his years as a member of the 'Society for the Preservation of the Irish Language', the 'Gaelic League' and the 'Gaelic Journal'.
But easing your conscience isn't the same as cleansing it.



'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
The Garda 'Witnesses' And The People They Accused :
Garda witnesses against the McBreartys included garda informer, William Doherty, who is well known to the gardai and has a long line of convictions for assault, larceny and other crimes. He was subsequently involved in making allegations that there was a bomb-making factory on the farm of elderly Donegal farmer, Alfie Gallagher and his family.
In 1997, 40 armed gardai and 200 (State) soldiers raided the farm and stayed there for three days and nights. Alfie Gallagher, recovering from a heart by-pass at the time, told 'Magill' -"They tore up over 200 young trees, turned the house upside down, and the helicopter frightened the ewes ; they were pregnant at the time and they ran into barbed wire and did a lot of damage to themselves. Most of them aborted. The raiders wouldn't say what they were looking for. They put a machine-gun in my ribs when I went to feed the stock."
Nothing was found at the Gallagher's farm, and the family are adamant they had never been involved in political or criminal activities. In fact, Mrs Gallagher, a retired teacher, said her father was himself a member of the Garda Siochana. The Gallaghers are currently taking a case against the State. 'Magill' understands that the warrants authorising the search of the Gallaghers' farm have gone missing...(MORE LATER.)


'FELLOW-WORKERS GENEROUS GESTURE.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
Two of the men arrested in connection with the Omagh Raid - Paddy Kearney and Eamon Boyce - are conductors on the CIE buses in Dublin and, immediately on hearing the news of their arrest, workers in the garages to which they were attached decided that they would make regular weekly collections in order to provide for the dependents of the two men. Both Mrs Boyce and Mrs Kearney, the mothers of the lads, are widows, and they greatly appreciate the kind offer of the busmen.
The Republican Aid Committee also wish to express publicly their real appreciation of the wonderful spirit of these workers and the very practical way in which they have come to the help of the dependants, thereby considerably easing the burden on An Cumann Cabrac.
(END of 'Fellow-Workers Generous Gesture' ; NEXT -'Anti-Mau Officer Led British Army Search', from the same source.)


CABHAIR CHRISTMAS SWIM, 2020.
The 44th successive Cabhair Christmas Swim(1976-2020) was held in Dublin on Christmas Day last, albeit in a 'bare bones' format : we sadly and badly missed the usual craic and banter, the flag, banners, the music, the sing-songs, the 'soup', the Christmas crackers, the tables full of 'goodies', the silly hats etc etc, but the main attraction - the swim in the icy waters of the Grand Canal - did take place. And that was the main objective!
The lads and a much-reduced back-up team sampled sea-water for Cabhair on St Stephen's Day in Wexford, for their 10th such sponsored swim ; a very 'Well Done!' to both sets of swimmers, and we know that both groups are hoping and looking forward to getting back to their usual formats this coming December. Ye all done Cabhair proud - GRMA!
Dublin, 25th December, 2020.
Wexford, 26th December, 2020.







LADIES DAY - PAY ATTENTION, LADS....!
Beannachtaí ar Lá Nollag na mBan!
January 6th is marked by Nollaig na mBan or 'Women's Little Christmas' : in celebration of the feast of the Epiphany in Ireland, January 6th is marked by Nollaig na mBan or 'Women's Little Christmas'. On this day it is the tradition in Ireland for the women to get together and enjoy their own Christmas, while the men folk stay at home and handle all the chores. It is also common for children to buy their mothers and grandmothers presents on this day, though this custom is gradually being overtaken by 'Mothers Day'.
I sometimes think that God, in creating man, somewhat overestimated his ability.(Oscar Wilde)Happy Nollaig na mBan to all our readers, especially the Ladies!


ON THIS DAY NEXT WEEK (WEDNESDAY 13TH JANUARY 2021).....

...we won't be posting our usual contribution, and probably won't be in a position to post anything at all ; this coming weekend (Saturday/Sunday 9th/10th January 2021) is spoke for already with a 650-ticket raffle to be run for the Dublin Executive of Sinn Féin Poblachtach, work on which begins on the Tuesday before the actual raffle, and the 'autopsy' into same which will take place on Monday evening, 11th, via conference calls, meaning that we will not have the time to post here. But we'll be back, as stated above, on Wednesday, 20th January 2021 and, in the meantime, you might read a few paragraphs from us here. See ye then!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.





FROM BLOG TO BOOK!

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FROM BLOG TO BOOK!

'Bestselling Author..'?
Ah no, don't think so.
Then again...!
But seriously...no.

We know all about the 'Mighty Oaks' proverb but we're under no such illusion about our book deal. We just happened to be the right people in the right place at the right time, and the main player in our literary rags-to-riches story just happened to like, and appreciate, the cut of our jib. Contact between both parties was initiated, conversations ensued, details and ideas etc exchanged and a happy and successdul outcome, to the liking of all concerned, was arrived at and agreed.
On Wednesday, 20th January 2021, we'll be posting our weekly blog post (it'll be an eight-parter) and that posting will include a few paragraphs on the recent book deal and will give a few links and mention names and details etc to do with same. You'll soon be able to say that you knew us when we hadn't got a pot to...choose...from(!) but don't worry, readers, our new-found fame won't change us ; we still intend to keep livin' the High Life and, in regards to the begging letters, we'll keep sending them!
See y'all on Wednesday next, 20th January.
Just pop-on by, wontcha?
No need for an appointment.
Yet...!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.





DESTRUCTIVE AND VINDICTIVE NATURE OF THE BRITISH FORCES IN IRELAND.

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ON THIS DATE (20TH JANUARY) 100 YEARS AGO : CLARE IRA AMBUSH BRITISH FORCES.
On the 20th January 1921 - 100 years ago on this date - over thirty men of the East Clare Brigade of the IRA ambushed an RIC patrol at Glenwood near Sixmilebridge, County Clare, killing six of their number. The well organised rebels suffered zero casualties and captured a significant amount of guns and ammunition. Numerous houses in the general area were burned by the RIC that evening in reprisal for the attack :
'In mid January 1921, orders were sent to all six battalions of the East Clare Brigade asking all available I.R.A. Volunteers to assemble at Parker’s house, Castlelake on the morning of the 20th of January. The officers of the Brigade had decided to attempt to ambush the regular R.I.C. patrol travelling from Sixmilebridge to Broadford.
On the appointed day, thirty seven I.R.A Volunteers reported for duty. Half of them carried rifles while the remainder were armed with shotguns and revolvers. A number of the republicans who had arrived unarmed volunteered as scouts. Volunteer Joseph Clancy of Kilkishen, a local and a former soldier in the British Army, suggested a suitable location for the attack at the rear entrance to Glenwood House. Michael Brennan accepted his advice and divided up the men into different sections and explained the plan of attack. At Glenwood the republican scouts were posted along the road a short distance in both directions from the I.R.A.'s new position. The thirty or so remaining I.R.A. Volunteers were divided into three sections under the command of Michael Brennan, his brother Austin Brennan of Meelick and Tom McGrath of O'Callaghan’s Mills. The men in Michael Brennan’s section were all armed with rifles and positioned along a high stone wall just north of the gate to Glenwood house. The stone wall would give them a good cover from enemy fire and a direct line of fire for about fifty or sixty yards.
Michael Brennan himself was armed with a revolver and stood a few yards behind the men in his group positioned along this wall. Joseph Clancy was hidden behind a large holly bush on top of the wall keeping watch along the road as the other Volunteers remained hidden. Austin Brennan's group of Volunteers equipped with rifles and shotguns, was placed fifty yards further north behind another stone wall. The remaining men under Tom Mc Grath's command were located along the edge of a field a hundred yards to the south of the gate armed with revolvers. The ambushers were to hold their fire, until riflemen under Michael Brennan’s command attacked the lorry...at about 4pm, a motorised patrol of ten armed Royal Irish Constabulary (RIC) and Black and Tan members, travelling from Sixmilebridge to Broadford, approached the back gate of Glenwood house.
Waiting for them, concealed behind the walls of the Glenwood estate, was a group of approximately 37 armed IRA volunteers from the East Clare Brigade of the IRA, led by Michael Brennan of Meelick. As the British patrol passed by the gates, a fusillade of gunshot, fired by the waiting group, struck them. Six RIC and Black and Tans were killed, two were injured and two escaped unhurt. One IRA volunteer was injured. The ambush party withdrew in good order through the forest and mountains to the East of Glenwood, towards Oatfield. The surviving members of the British patrol made their way back to Sixmilebridge.
The local people, on hearing of the news of the ambush, braced themselves for the inevitable retribution which would follow. In an orgy of violence on that evening and in the following days, Black and Tans and Auxiliaries burned houses, destroyed property and terrorised and assaulted local people...'(from here.)
The destructive and vindictive nature of the British forces that remain in Ireland are felt today by republicans in the Occupied Six Counties and, even though those forces wear a different uniform to that displayed by the Black and Tans and the Auxiliaries, their methods and their objective is the same. And the resolve of Irish republicans, too, is the same.




'IN MEMORIAM'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Peter McCarthy, Dublin, shot by police, June 1937.
Bob Clancy, Waterford, died in Curragh Internment Camp, June 1941.
Charles O'Hare, Armagh, died in Isle of Man Internment Camp, June 1944.
(END of 'In Memoriam'; NEXT - 'New Cumann In County Cork', from the same source.)



ON THIS DATE (20TH JANUARY) 48 YEARS AGO : SACKVILLE PLACE IN DUBLIN BOMBED BY LOYALISTS. FOR THE SECOND TIME IN SEVEN WEEKS.
A photograph from the scene of the loyalist bombing in Dublin on Saturday 20th January 1973 - 48 years ago on this date - in which one man died (29-year-old Scottish born Thomas Douglas, a bus conductor) and 13 people were injured.
'On Saturday 20 January 1973, seven weeks after the December 1972 bombings, a further bomb exploded in Dublin city centre killing one man...unbelievably, the location was once again Sackville Place and the bombers were now beginning to thumb their noses at the security forces...by choosing to bomb the same location twice within seven weeks...the bombing was never claimed by the organisation which carried it out, but no one was in any doubt that loyalists were involved...the bomb, which contained 20 pounds of explosives, was planted in a red Vauxhall Viva car, registration number EOI 1129, which was hijacked in Agnes Street off the Shankill Road in Belfast that morning...'(from here, and details on the author can be read here.)
Regardless of how active their campaign is in Dublin (or elsewhere in Ireland) or whether they claim responsibility for their actions or not, the fact remains that as long as Westminster continues to maintain a political and military presence in Ireland the loyalists can be 'activated' anytime the British administration feels it would be advantageous to do so. The loyalists and other pro-British elements can only be neutralised when Westminster stops interfering in this country.


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Michael Peoples, a friend of the McBreartys, received a series of blackmail phone calls alleging he had murdered Richie Barron. A male caller demanded £6,000 for his silence. After the first call, Peoples taped the caller and passed the tapes to the gardai. Four of those calls were traced to the home of William Doherty, while another call was traced to a garda's house.
William Doherty denied making the calls, saying it was not his voice on the tape. A notebook belonging to the garda, containing notes on the Barron case, was also found in Doherty's home in September 1997. Again, Doherty denied any knowledge of the notebook and claimed it was planted in his house in an effort to scapegoat the garda.
William Doherty "informed" the gardai that Noel John McBride, a youth known to the gardai, might have information on the death of Richie Barron. The gardai obtained a statement from McBride implicating several local people and, on foot of this statement, Frank McBrearty Snr and Jnr, Michael Peoples and Roisin and Mark McConnell were arrested. McBride's statement said that on the night in question he saw McBrearty Jnr and McConnell walk away from the crime scene but he was later to retract this statement, alleging duress. He further alleges that in November 1996, William Doherty brought him to the house of a local garda, and that two other gardai were present...(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (20TH JANUARY) 98 YEARS AGO : 11 IRA PRISONERS PULLED FROM THEIR CELLS AND EXECUTED BY FREE STATERS.
On this date - 20th January - in 1923, Free State forces removed 11 of the IRA prisoners('Irregulars') they were holding and executed each one of them. Sixteen months previous to executing those men, Leinster House politicians had signalled their intent to do so in order to secure their own positions in the new Free State, declaring that those IRA men were fighting against what they described as 'a legitimate Irish authority..' About one year before that awful day, those Free State executioners would have fought on the same side, in the fight against Westminster, as those they executed on that Saturday, 20th January 1923.
Five Anti-Treaty I.R.A. men were executed by firing squad, at about 8am that day, in Custume Barracks, Athlone, County Westmeath : Thomas Hughes, from Bogginfin, Athlone, who was Lieutenant Commandant, 'Officer Commanding Munitions', Western Division I.R.A. He had served as Captain with the 3rd Engineers Dublin Brigade and was also 'Officer Commanding Munitions' in Athlone. Michael Walsh, born in Derrymore, County Galway. He was Vice-Commandant, 2nd Battalion No. 1 Brigade, Western Division. Herbert Collins, a native of Kickeen, Headford, County Galway, who was captured at Currahan and charged with being in possession of arms and ammunition. Stephen Joyce, a native of Derrymore, Caherlistrane, County Galway and Martin Burke, a native of Caherlistrane, County Galway - he was Officer Commanding, Active Service Unit Number 3 Brigade, Western Division.
Four of the IRA men ('Irregulars/Anti-Treaty Army') - Michael Brosnan of Rathenny, Tralee, County Kerry, John Clifford of Mountlake Caherciveen, County Kerry, James Daly from Knock, Killarney, County Kerry and James Hanlon of Causeway, Tralee, County Kerry - were executed at Ballymullen Barracks, Tralee, Kerry : they were 'found guilty' of being in possession of arms and ammunition under the 'Emergency Powers Act' but local opinion was that the four men were put to death because of on-going attacks on the railway system in the Kerry area.
Two I.R.A. men were executed at Limerick Jail : Commandant Cornelius 'Con' McMahon, Limerick, and fellow Limerick man Volunteer Patrick Hennessy. Both men were charged with the destruction of Ardsollus railway station in County Clare on the 14th of January 1923 and were 'found guilty' of same and of being in possession of guns and ammunition. Patrick Hennessy was secretary of Clare County Gaelic Athletic Association and a member of the county team. Con McMahon had served a term in prison in Limerick Jail in 1920.
Also, for the record, between 17th November 1922 and 2nd May 1923, seventy-seven Irish republican prisoners were removed from their prison cells and shot dead by order of the Free State administration. In this post we name those 77 men and list where each man was executed and the date of same. We do so in the hope that these men will not be forgotten :
1922-
James Fisher, Dublin, November 17th.
Peter Cassidy, Dublin, November 17th.
Richard Twohig, Dublin , November 17th.
John Gaffney, Dublin, November 17th.
Erskine Childers, Dublin, November 24th.
Joseph Spooner, Dublin, November 30th.
Patrick Farrelly, Dublin, November 30th.
John Murphy, Dublin, November 30th.
Rory O Connor, Dublin, December 8th.
Liam Mellows, Dublin, December 8th.
Joseph McKelvey, Dublin, December 8th.
Richard Barrett, Dublin, December 8th.
Stephen White, Dublin, December 19th.
Joseph Johnston, Dublin, December 19th.
Patrick Mangan, Dublin, December 19th.
Patrick Nolan, Dublin, December 19th.
Brian Moore, Dublin, December 19th.
James O'Connor, Dublin, December 19th.
Patrick Bagnel, Dublin, December 19th.
John Phelan, Kilkenny, December 29th.
John Murphy, Kilkenny, December 29th.


1923-
Leo Dowling, Dublin, January 8th.
Sylvester Heaney, Dublin, January 8th.
Laurence Sheeky, Dublin, January 8th.
Anthony O'Reilly, Dublin, January 8th.
Terence Brady, Dublin, January 8th.
Thomas McKeown, Louth, January 13th.
John McNulty, Louth, January 13th.
Thomas Murray, Louth, January 13th.
Frederick Burke, Tipperary, January 15th.
Patrick Russell, Tipperary, January 15th.
Martin O'Shea, Tipperary, January 15th.
Patrick McNamara, Tipperary, January 15th.
James Lillis, Carlow, January 15th.
James Daly, Kerry, January 20th.
John Clifford, Kerry, January 20th.
Michael Brosnan, Kerry, January 20th.
James Hanlon, Kerry, January 20th.
Cornelius McMahon, Limerick, January 20th.
Patrick Hennesy, Limerick, January 20th.
Thomas Hughes, Westmeath, January 20th.
Michael Walsh, Westmeath, January 20th.
Herbert Collins, Westmeath, January 20th.
Stephen Joyce, Westmeath, January 20th.
Martin Bourke, Westmeath, January 20th.
James Melia, Louth, January 22nd.
Thomas Lennon, Louth, January 22nd.
Joseph Ferguson, Louth, January 22nd.
Michael Fitzgerald, Waterford, January 25th.
Patrick O'Reilly, Offaly, January 26th.
Patrick Cunningham, Offaly, January 26th.
Willie Conroy, Offaly, January 26th.
Colum Kelly, Offaly, January 26th.
Patrick Geraghty, Laoise, January 27th.
Joseph Byrne, Laoise, January 27th.
Thomas Gibson, Laoise, February 26th.
James O'Rourke, Dublin, March 13th.
William Healy, Cork, March 13th.
James Parle, Wexford, March 13th.
Patrick Hogan, Wexford, March 13th.
John Creane, Wexford, March 13th.
Séan Larkin, Donegal, March 14th.
Tim O'Sullivan, Donegal, March 14th.
Daniel Enright, Donegal, March 14th.
Charles Daly, Donegal, March 14th.
James O'Malley, Galway, April 11th.
Francis Cunnane, Galway, April 11th.
Michael Monaghan, Galway, April 11th.
John Newell, Galway, April 11th.
John McGuire, Galway, April 11th.
Martin Moylan, Galway, April 11th.
Richard Hatheway, Kerry, April 25th.
James McEnery, Kerry, April 25th.
Edward Greaney, Kerry, April 25th.
Patrick Mahoney, Clare, April 26th.
Christopher Quinn, Clare, May 02nd.
William Shaughnessy, Clare, May 02nd.

Those 77 men did not take up arms in the belief that they were fighting for the establishment of a morally corrupt so-called 'half-way-house' institution, nor did they do so to assist the British in the 'governance' of one of their 'part' colonies : that which those men and many other men and women fought for remains to be achieved : 'Unfinished Business', if you like. You can help present-day Irish republicans to achieve that aim...


'ANTI-MAU OFFICER LED BRITISH ARMY SEARCH'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, November 1954.
The British Army search for the Omagh raiders was directed by Colonel E. H. W. Grimshaw, Chief of Staff, 'Northern Ireland' District, who served in Kenya until recently with Captain T. M. Troy, officer commanding the raided depot.
Colonel Grimshaw said after the raid -"Troy and I have had plenty of experience rounding up the Mau Mau in Kenya, and we should be able to deal with this lot!"
(END of 'Anti-Mau Officer Led British Army Search' ; NEXT -'Licensed To Kill', from the 'United Irishman', March 1955.)
('1169' comment ; you can read about Mr Grimshaw here, if you're that way inclined. He certainly enjoyed his overseas 'adventures' on behalf of his 'Empire', and gave many a 'terrorist' a jolly good pasting. Jolly hockey-sticks, and all that...)


ON THIS DATE (20TH JANUARY) 119 YEARS AGO : "TURN INFORMER OR WE'LL KILL YOU...".
On this date - 20th January - in 1902, a baby boy was born in Dublin who was to capture world support and sympathy while still in his teens : the child's name was Kevin Barry(pictured, left), and he was born into a strong Irish republican family which could trace members of its clan as having been active in 1798 with Wolfe Tone. Kevin Barry, 18 years young, was executed on the 1st November 1920 in Mountjoy Jail, Dublin, and was the first Irish republican to be executed by the British since 1916. At the time of his death his eldest brother Mick was OC of the Volunteers in Tombeigh and his sister, Sheila, was in Cumann na mBan. He was captured while on active service outside the entrance of Monk's bakery in Dublin. Although, as stated, born in Dublin, he spent much of his life at the family home in Tombeigh, Hackettstown, Carlow, and both sides of his family - the Barry's and the Dowling's - came from the Carlow area, and some of his ancestors had fought in 1798. He attended national school in Rathvilly, Carlow, for a few years, before going to Belvedere College in Dublin where he was a medical student.
Kevin Barry's body was not returned to his family for burial ; he was interred within the prison confines of Mountjoy Jail and was the first of what was to become know as 'the Forgotten Ten'. Because Munster and a small part of Leinster was under martial law those executed there were shot as soldiers but, as Dublin was under civilian law, those executed in Mountjoy were hanged. In his 'Sworn Statement'('written testimony'), Kevin Barry wrote -
"I, Kevin Barry, of 58, South Circular Road, in the County of Dublin, Medical Student, aged 18 years and upwards solemnly and sincerely declare as follows: On the 20th of September, 1920, I was arrested in Upper Church Street by a Sergeant of the 2nd Duke of Wellington's Regiment and was brought under escort to the North Dublin Union, now occupied by military. I was brought into the guard room and searched. I was then moved to the defaulter's room by an escort with a Sergeant-Major, who all belonged to 1st Lancashire Fusiliers. I was then handcuffed. About 15 minutes after I was put into the defaulter's room, two Commissioned Officers of the 1st Lancashire Fusiliers came in. They were accompanied by 3 Sergeants of the same unit. A military policeman who had been in the room since I entered it remained.
One of the officers asked me my name, which I gave. He then asked me for the names of my companions in the raid. I refused to give them. He tried to persuade me to give the names and I persisted in refusing. He then sent a Sergeant for a bayonet. When it was brought in the Sergeant was ordered by this officer to point the bayonet at my stomach. The same questions as to the names and addresses of my companions were repeated with the same results. The Sergeant was then ordered to turn my face to the wall and point the bayonet to my back. The Sergeant then said he would run the bayonet into me if I did not tell. The bayonet was then removed and I was turned round again. This officer then said that if I still persisted in this attitude he would turn me out to the men in the barrack square and he supposed I knew what that meant with the men in their present temper. I said nothing. He ordered the Sergeants to put me face down on the floor and twist my arm. I was pushed down onto the floor after my handcuffs were removed. When I lay on the floor one of the Sergeants knelt on the small of my back, the other two placed one foot each on my back and left shoulder and the man who knelt on me twisted my right arm, holding it by the wrist with one hand while he held my hair with the other to pull back my head. The arm was twisted from the elbow joint. This continued to the best of my knowledge for 5 minutes. It was very painful.
The first officer was standing near my feet and the officer who accompanied him was still present. During the twisting of my arm the first officer continued to question me for the names and addresses of my companions and the names of my Company Commander or any other (IRA) officer I knew. As I still refused to answer these questions I was let up and handcuffed. A civilian came in and he repeated the same questions with the same results. He informed me that if I gave all the information I knew, I could get off. I was then left in the company of the military policeman. The two officers, three sergeants and civilian all left together. I could certainly identify the officer who directed the proceedings and put the questions. I am not sure of the others except the Sergeant with the bayonet.
My arm was medically treated by an officer of the Royal Army Medical Corps attached to the North Dublin Union the following morning and by the prison hospital orderly afterwards for 4 or 5 days. I was visited by the Court Martial Officer last night and he read the confirmation of sentence of death by hanging to be executed on Monday next and I make this solemn declaration conscientiously believing same to be true and by virtue of the Statutory Declarations Act, 1835. Declared and subscribed before me at Mountjoy Prison in the County of the City of Dublin, 28th October, 1920.
(Signed) MYLES KEOGH, a justice of the peace for said County.
KEVIN GERARD BARRY."

Canon John Waters, the prison chaplain, wrote to Kevin Barry's mother with a description of his final moments :"His courage was superhuman and rested I am sure, on his simple goodness and innocence of conscience. You are the mother, my dear Mrs Barry, of one of the bravest and best boys I have ever known, he went to the scaffold with the most perfect bravery, without the slightest faltering, 'til the very last moment of his life..."Incidentally, while speaking to Mrs Barry, Canon Waters opined that young Kevin "...does not seem to realise he is going to die in the morning.." to which she asked what was meant by that comment : the priest replied that Kevin "...is so gay* and light-hearted all the time (but) if he fully realised it he would be overwhelmed.." - Mrs Barry took offence at those words and replied "Canon Waters, I know you are not a Republican. But is it impossible for you to understand that my son is actually proud to die for the Republic?" The wise Canon didn't argue back.
It was on this date - 20th January - 119 years ago, that Kevin Barry was born.
(*'Gay' - 'happy', not as it apparently would be interpreted today.)


NEWSFLASH!
EXCLUSIVE!
BREAKING NEWS!
1169 BLOG AGREES A BOOK DEAL (sort of..)!
'The kind assistance of Sharon O' Suillibhan of Dublin, who helps publish the1169 and Counting blog, which keeps alive valuable articles from the era, was generous with her time and thoughts, keeping me laughing and informed..' - so wrote author Anthony Amore, in relation to his book,'The Woman Who Stole Vermeer'.
Ah Shucks! Going scarla' here...!
Anthony contacted us a while ago when he was researching info for his 'Woman Who Stole..' book, as we had posted an article or two on our blog which caught his eye ; nothing unusual there, as we get contacted regularly by people looking to verify dates, locations etc and we respond to each contact as quick as we can, even if it's to politely say 'no', if they are looking for information which, shall we say, could be deemed to be 'delicate'.
Anyway - the info that Anto wanted(...and yes - we feel that we know the man good enough by now to confer that honorary Dub moniker on him!) was run-of-the-mill stuff to us which contained dates and locations etc which could be found elsewhere, with a bit of digging, so we helped him as best we could and he was delira and excira*(*...figure that one out for yerselves!)with the wee bit of assistance we gave him.
So much so that the gentleman insisted on re-paying the favour and, with a bit of prodding from meself(!) we settled on a brief mention for the blog in the 'Acknowledgement' section of his book(pictured) as 'payment' enough ; and so it came to pass!
And that, readers, is the 'book deal' involved ; probably not quite what some of ye may have been expecting, and we didn't really(ish!) mean to imply otherwise in our blog, Facebook and Twitter posts in regards to the 'deal', but that's all yer gettin'! And anyway - we're chuffed about it, so there!
And - while I'm blowing trumpets(!) here - during our conversations with the Anto fella, Irish food favourites were discussed and I'm equally as proud to say that my receipes for Irish Stew and Shepherd's Pie were passed, by request, to himself, and were made available to a 10,000-strong membership in a book club!
As me other auld segotia* would say -"Between the famous and the infamous there is but one step, if as much as one."
This is Sharon, signin' off anda-steppin' out for now. To sign autographs, that is..!
Thanks for reading, Sharon.






FREE STATE POLITICAL EXECUTIONER EXECUTED.

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FOR ANDY :


The peaceful night that round me flows,
Breaks through your iron prison doors,
Free through the world your spirit goes,
Forbidden hands are clasping yours.


The wind is our confederate,
The night has left her doors ajar,
We meet beyond earth’s barred gate,
Where all the world’s wild Rebels are.
(From here.)


ON THIS DATE (27TH JANUARY) 98 YEARS AGO : TWO IRA PRISONERS EXECUTED BY FREE STATE ADMINISTRATION.
The execution of Offaly IRA Volunteers Joseph Byrne and Patrick Geraghty : JOSEPH BYRNE, from Cruith, Daingean, and Rochfordbridge native PATRICK GERAGHTY were executed in Portlaoise Jail, by firing squad, on 27th January 1923 - 98 years ago on this date:
'Byrne was sentenced to death for allegedly possessing a Webley revolver while Geraghty was alleged to have had an automatic pistol at Croghan on 10th November 1922. Byrne, 25, was an Adjutant in the 3rd Battalion (Tyrrellspass), Offaly No. 1 Brigade IRA. Geraghty, 33, was O/C of the same Battalion. Republicans were adamant that both men were unarmed when captured and that they faced trumped up charges. According to the 'Midland Tribune' newspaper Geraghty fired on Free State troops and a brisk exchange of rifle fire took place. The 'Offaly Independent' reported Free State troops surrounding a farmhouse where there was a fierce exchange of shots. Byrne apparently surrendered while Geraghty escaped and took cover in a field beside the house, where he blazed away at the troops with a 'Peter-the-Painter' automatic pistol.
Whatever the case against Geraghty, it was generally believed that Byrne was innocent of the charge against him. Thomas Dunne, of Offaly County Council, stated Byrne was unjustly executed as he had "no firearms at the time of his arrest." Byrne's family were one of the early vanguards of the Irish Volunteers in their local area. It was a mark of the high esteem he was held and an indication of how popular he was that prayers were asked for the happy repose of his soul at all the Masses at Daingean on the Sunday following his execution. This was at a time of acute Catholic Church hostility towards the IRA.
Betrayed by an informer, Byrne, Geraghty and another IRA Volunteer, who managed to escape, were staying in a safe house at Croghan belonging to a relation of Byrne. A local informer, a young boy, betrayed them to Free State forces in Tullamore. In his final letter Byrne forgave his enemies:"I forgive everyone. I don't bear malice to any of the men that are going to execute me. I will pray for them. Oh! I am so happy Paddy and myself are going to heaven for anyhow the world is but empty and what does it profit a man to gain the whole world and suffer the loss of his soul..."
While Geraghty was 'shot out and out,' Byrne had to be shot a second time as the first volley of shots was not fatal. He stumbled and fell, got up, and was on his knees, crying for his mother, when at point-blank range he was shot in the back of the head...Kevin O'Higgins, Leix-Offaly (later known as 'Laois-Offaly') TD and (Free State) Minister for Home Affairs...demanded a greater geographical distribution of executions as it was thought executions confined to Dublin did not have the desired local impact. O'Higgins insisted that"..there should be executions in every county. Local executions would tend considerably to shorten the struggle...."(from here.)
It took a few years, but O'Higgins' recommendations re executions('more of same, please...')was eventually heeded...


'NEW CUMANN IN COUNTY CORK'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

A public meeting, under the auspices of Sinn Féin, was held in the Muintir na Tire Hall, Killavulleh, County Cork, on April 27th last.
A capacity audience listened attentively and warmly applauded the speakers - Tomas MacCurtain, Jim O'Regan and D. MacCionnaith - who dealt fully with the Sinn Féin policy and republican programme. James Magner, Castletownroche, presided and, with a large number wishing to join Sinn Féin, it was decided to hold a further meeting to establish a local Cumann.
At a meeting on the 18th May, at which D. MacCionnaith, Cathaoirleach, Comhairle Ceanntair, presided, it was unanimously decided to name the local Cumann after Section-Leader James O'Callaghan, IRA, of Killavulleh, who was shot outside the village by Free State troops on the 16th of October, 1922.
(END of 'New Cumann In County Cork'; NEXT - 'Local Government Elections', from the same source.)


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Noel John McBride claims it was suggested that he should make a statement"...that I should say that I seen Frank McBrearty Jnr and Mark McConnell coming down through Frankie's car park. They said I was to say they were covered in muck. They said I was also to say I saw Marty McCallion standing at the entrance to Frankie's Niteclub. I told them I didn't know what Marty McCallion looked like, as I didn't know him. They explained to me that he was the one with the shaved head."
McBride claims he was told that if he made this statement against the McBreartys and McConnells, he would "get off with burning the trailer" -"I kept telling them I had nothing to do with burning the trailer, but they just kept repeating I'd get off with it if I made the statement."
After the arrests, McBride got worried about his false statement and went to a solicitor who advised him to withdraw it ; he claims that when he did so, William Doherty beat him up and threatened to kill him if he spoke out. McBride claims that on the night in question he wasn't even in Raphoe, but was in fact at his nephew's christening in Ballybofey...(MORE LATER.)


'LICENSED TO KILL'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
The weekend of the 5th and 6th March has been one of the blackest in the history of what is called 'Northern Ireland'. It has seen the renewal of Black-and-Tanism, as evinced in the callous shootings which took place at Keady, County Armagh, and at Augher in County Tyrone.
In the first instance, four young people - none of them over 18 years old - returning from the pictures in a small van, had it riddled with bullets by a group of 'B Specials' at a roadblock. Of course they were called on to halt, they had been signalled with a red light and even shouted at by the sergeant - that was the 'evidence' given afterwards. But the three survivors from the ambushed van saw no light and heard no shouts to halt. They had seen the roadblock, made by drawing a van belonging to one of the 'B Specials' across the road, and they took it to be a car accident and were turning away to avoid it.
Probably the last words said by young Leonard were his comment to this effect to the young girl sitting beside him in the van. He was unaware of the 'B Specials' activity ; he was unaware of any calls to halt. But he was shot to death...(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for reading, Sharon. Agus slán go fóill anois, Andy.





"THE MURDERERS AND SPOILERS OF OUR LAND".

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ON THIS DATE (3RD FEBRUARY) 102 YEARS AGO : KEY TO A BETTER/BITTER CAKE DISCOVERED.
At the first meeting of the 32-County Dáil Éireann, in Dublin's Mansion House (on 21st January 1919), Cathal Brugha was elected as 'Acting President' in place of Eamonn de Valera, who was at that time still in a British jail (imprisoned for his part in an alleged 'German Plot' against Westminster). de Valera had contested a seat in the 14th December 1918 general election for the Falls constituency of Belfast but lost to local 'United Irish League' leader, Joe Devlin, by 8,488 votes to 3,245.
In September 1919, the British declared Dáil Éireann to be an "illegal assembly" and it was forced to go 'underground' but, 'underground' or not, it still functioned : Michael Collins and Harry Boland made plans to rescue de Valera from Lincoln Jail in England and, on the 3rd February 1919 - 102 years ago on this date - '..here is what actually happened at Lincoln Jail. As de Valera regularly served Mass in the church jail, it was an easy matter for him to pocket a few candles. He melted these down and took an impression of the Chaplain's master key. As there were double locks on every door, the master key was a must.
There were two ordinary keys made that didn't work. De Valera made the first impression and had it smuggled out of prison and sent to Gerard Boland in Dublin. Boland sent back the key in a Christmas cake but it didn't turn the lock. A second impression was made which was sent to Manchester where craftsmen cut what they thought was a true replica. It too was a fiasco. At that juncture Peter De Loughry told dev to have a blank key sent into the prison with a file, saying: "I'll cut it myself". The blank key and the file arrived this time in a birthday cake. Peter who was an expert locksmith easily cut a perfect replica.
Outside waiting at the last gate to freedom were Michael Collins and Harry Boland. As Collins spied Dev, Milroy and McGarry coming towards the door, he inserted another key, which he believed would open the last door to freedom. He attempted to turn the lock, giving the key a powerful twist. It broke in the lock. Collins was raging. "I've broken the key in the lock - what are we going to do now?" Dev muttered something while inserting the key Peter De Loughry had cut for him. It knocked out the broken part and with one turn the lock clicked open. The five men shook hands and disappeared into the night. Peter De Loughry did not escape with the others as he had but a few weeks left to serve out his sentence...' (from here.)
Rumours persist to this day that Westminster allowed de Valera to escape as they were aware that he would soon turn his back on republicanism and accept Westminster-imposed Free State structures, which he did in 1926, to the degree that he executed former comrades to help safeguard the British presence in Ireland.
Damn those weak locks in Lincoln Jail and damn those that followed de Valera through a 'constitutional door' and into Leinster House...



'LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Sinn Féin candidates will be seeking election to local government bodies in several areas at the forthcoming lections. Some of the areas and candidates are listed below -
LOUTH :
Mrs O'Hagan, Dundalk.
Thomas Green, Dundalk.
Seamus Rafferty, Dundalk.
Peter Duffy, Dundalk.
Michael Clarke, Dundalk.
Cathal Cassidy, Dundalk.
S Crilly, Ravensdale.
Archie McKevitt, Carlingford.
Bernard Murphy, Kilkerley.
Thomas Corcoran, Dunleer.


OFFALY COUNTY COUNCIL :
Thomas Keena, Birr.
Bernard Conroy, Portlaoighise.
James Mullen Jun, Ossory.
Liam Bullin, Luggacurran.


PORTLAOISHISE TOWN COMMISSIONERS :
John O'Donovan.

CLARE :
Martin Whyte, Lisdooncarna.
Matthew Finucane, Tubber.
Michael O'Leary, Kilnamona.
(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (3RD FEBRUARY) 125 YEARS AGO : DEATH OF 'SPERANZA OF THE NATION'.
"No voice that was raised in the cause of the poor and oppressed, none that denounced political wrong-doing in Ireland, was more eagerly listened to than that of the graceful and accomplished woman known in literature as 'Speranza' and in society as Lady Wilde..." - Martin MacDermott.
Lady Jane Wilde ('Speranza of The Nation' aka 'John Fanshaw Ellis') née Jane Francesca Elgee, mother of Oscar Wilde, died in London from bronchitis on the 3rd February 1896 - 125 years ago on this date. At the time, Oscar was incarcerated in Wandsworth Prison, serving a two year hard labour sentence for 'gross indecency'– homosexuality. Despite her dying wish, she was not allowed to see him.
Lady Jane Wilde was famous in her own right as a writer and poet : she was an ardent nationalist in addition to being a staunch feminist. Her most famous poem is probably 'The Famine Year' -
The Famine Year (The Stricken Land).

Weary men, what reap ye?—Golden corn for the stranger.
What sow ye?— human corpses that wait for the avenger.
Fainting forms, hunger–stricken, what see you in the offing?
Stately ships to bear our food away, amid the stranger’s scoffing.
There’s a proud array of soldiers — what do they round your door?
They guard our masters’ granaries from the thin hands of the poor.
Pale mothers, wherefore weeping — would to God that we were dead;
Our children swoon before us, and we cannot give them bread.
Little children, tears are strange upon your infant faces,
God meant you but to smile within your mother’s soft embraces.

Oh! we know not what is smiling, and we know not what is dying;
We’re hungry, very hungry, and we cannot stop our crying.
And some of us grow cold and white — we know not what it means;
But, as they lie beside us, we tremble in our dreams.
There’s a gaunt crowd on the highway — are ye come to pray to man,
With hollow eyes that cannot weep, and for words your faces wan?

No; the blood is dead within our veins — we care not now for life;
Let us die hid in the ditches, far from children and from wife;
We cannot stay and listen to their raving, famished cries —
Bread! Bread! Bread! and none to still their agonies.
We left our infants playing with their dead mother’s hand:
We left our maidens maddened by the fever’s scorching brand:
Better, maiden, thou were strangled in thy own dark–twisted tresses —
Better, infant, thou wer't smothered in thy mother’s first caresses.

We are fainting in our misery, but God will hear our groan:
Yet, if fellow–men desert us, will He hearken from His Throne?
Accursed are we in our own land, yet toil we still and toil;
But the stranger reaps our harvest— the alien owns our soil.
O Christ! how have we sinned, that on our native plains
We perish houseless, naked, starved, with branded brow, like Cain’s?
Dying, dying wearily, with a torture sure and slow —
Dying, as a dog would die, by the wayside as we go.

One by one they’re falling round us, their pale faces to the sky;
We’ve no strength left to dig them graves — there let them lie.
The wild bird, if he’s stricken, is mourned by the others,
But we — we die in a Christian land — we die amid our brothers,
In the land which God has given, like a wild beast in his cave,
Without a tear, a prayer, a shroud, a coffin or a grave.
Ha! but think ye the contortions on each livid face ye see,
Will not be read on judgement–day by eyes of Deity?

We are wretches, famished, scorned, human tools to build your pride,
But God will take vengeance for the souls for whom Christ died.
Now is your hour of pleasure — bask ye in the world’s caresses;
But our whitening bones against ye will rise as witnesses,
From the cabins and the ditches, in their charred, uncoffin’d masses,
For the Angel of the Trumpet will know them as he passes.
A ghastly, spectral army, before the great God we’ll stand,
And arraign ye as our murderers, the spoilers of our land.

Folklore has it that, as she lay dying in her home (146 Oakley Street, Chelsea), on the 3rd February 1896 - 125 years ago on this date - aware that her request to visit her son, Oscar, had been refused, her'fetch' (apparition) appeared before Oscar in his cell.
Oscar was physically unable to arrange the details for his mother's funeral and that onerous task fell to his brother, William ('Willie') Charles Kingsbury Wilde who, unfortunately, was penniless. Oscar managed to scrap together the bare amount to pay for the funeral service (which was held on the 5th February at Kensal Green Cemetery in London) but the family could not afford a headstone and so Jane Wilde was buried 'anonymously in common ground'.
The 'Oscar Wilde Society' later erected a Celtic Cross monument in her memory in the cemetery in the late 1990's. As Oscar himself might have observed -"Anyone who lives within their means suffers from a lack of imagination."


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Bernard Conlon is a small-time criminal from Sligo. He claimed he'd travelled from Sligo to Donegal for a pint and, in breach of the licensing laws, was refused food in McBrearty's nightclub. Gardai issued further summonses on foot of this complaint.
Conlon also made allegations against Mark McConnell and Michael Peoples, stating that they had called to his home in Sligo and showed him a silver bullet with the warning that "he'd get it" if he gave evidence but, unfortunately for Conlon, Peoples and McConnell had a watertight alibi for the day of the alleged incident ; both men were at the Holiday Inn in Letterkenny with their legal advisors, who had travelled from Dublin for the meeting. Their lawyers and the hotel records backed up their alibi.
At a hearing in Donegal, two senior gardai from Sligo were called before Letterkenny District Court by Judge John O'Donnell to explain why an alleged "falsified record" - an edited typed version - had been produced in respect of Bernard Conlon. Martin Giblin SC for the McBrearty family said the gardai used Conlon as "an agent provocateur", and said that he found the explanation of Inspector Gerard Connolly, who told the court "I did not look up the computer", and Garda John McHale, who said that "a typed list was easier to produce" rather than the normal computer print-out, as "more puzzling than the fact that the document was put in..."(MORE LATER.)


ON THIS DATE (3RD FEBRUARY) 140 YEARS AGO : 'LAND LEAGUE' LEADER ARRESTED BY BRITISH FORCES.
On the 21st October 1879 a meeting of concerned individuals was held in the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar, County Mayo, to discuss issues in relation to 'landlordism' and the manner in which that subject impacted on those who worked on small land holdings on which they paid 'rent', an issue which other groups, such as tenants' rights organisations and groups who, confined by a small membership, agitated on land issues in their own locality, had voiced concern about.
Those present agreed to announce themselves as the 'Irish National Land League' (which, at its peak, had 200,000 active members) and Charles Stewart Parnell (who, at 33 years of age, had been an elected member of parliament for the previous four years) was elected president of the new group and Andrew Kettle, Michael Davitt, and Thomas Brennan were appointed as honorary secretaries.
The leadership had 'form' in that each had made a name for themselves as campaigners on social issues of the day and were, as such, 'known' to the British authorities ; Michael Davitt, who was born into poverty in Straide, Mayo, on the 25th of March, 1846 - at the time of the attempted genocide/ An Gorta Mór - was the second of five children, and was only four years of age when his family were evicted from their home over rent owed, and the dwelling was destroyed by the evicting militia. His father, Martin, was left with no choice but to travel to England to look for a job. Martin's wife, Sabina, and their five children, were given temporary accommodation by the local priest in Straide.
The family were eventually reunited, in England, where young Michael attended school for a few years. His family were struggling, financially, so he obtained work, aged 9, as a labourer (he told his boss he was 13 years old and got the job - working from 6am to 6pm, with a ninty-minute break and a wage of 2s.6d a week) but within weeks he had secured a 'better' job, operating a spinning machine but, at only 11 years of age, his right arm got entangled in the machinery and had to be amputated. There was no compensation offered, and no more work, either, for a one-armed machine operator, but he eventually managed to get a job helping the local postmaster.

He was sixteen years young at that time, and was curious about his Irish roots and wanted to know more - he learned all he could about Irish history and, at 19 years young, joined the Fenian movement in England. Two years afterwards he became the organising secretary for northern England and Scotland for that organisation but, on the 18th July 1870 - in his early 20's - he was arrested in Paddington Station in London after the British had uncovered an IRB operation to import arms. He was sentenced to 15 years imprisonment, on a 'hard labour' ticket, and served seven years in Dartmoor Prison in horrific conditions before being released in 1877, at the age of 31, on December 19th.
Almost immediately, he took on the position as a member of the Supreme Council of the IRB and returned to Ireland in January 1878, to a hero's welcome. At the above-mentioned meeting in the Imperial Hotel in Castlebar he spoke about the need"..to bring out a reduction of rack-rents...to facilitate the obtaining of the ownership of the soil by the occupiers...the object of the League can be best attained by promoting organisation among the tenant-farmers; by defending those who may be threatened with eviction for refusing to pay unjust rents; by facilitating the working of the Bright clauses of the Irish Land Act during the winter; and by obtaining such reforms in the laws relating to land as will enable every tenant to become owner of his holding by paying a fair rent for a limited number of years..."
In January 1881, Westminster introduced a 'Land Act' ('Coercion/The Protection of Person and Property Act') which was the first of over a hundred such 'laws' that aimed to suppress the increasing discontent in Ireland with British 'landlordism' and it was under those 'laws' that, on the 3rd February 1881 - 140 years ago on this date - Michael Davitt was arrested for being too 'outspoken' in his speeches (he had then only recently addressed a crowd in Loughgall, County Armagh : "Landlords of Ireland are all of one religion. Their god is mammon and rack-rents and evictions their only morality while the toilers of the fields – whether Orangemen, Catholics, Presbyterians or Methodists – are the victims..."). While in prison, he was elected MP for Meath but was disqualified from taking his seat as he was 'an incarcerated felon'.
Michael Davitt died at 60 years of age in Elphis Hospital in Dublin on the 30th of May 1906, from blood poisoning - he had a tooth extracted and contracted septicaemia from the operation. His body was taken to the Carmelite Friary in Clarendon Street, Dublin, then by train to Foxford in Mayo and he was buried in Straide Abbey, near where he was born.


'LICENSED TO KILL...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
Of course the 'B Specials', who did the shooting, were aiming at the wheels of the van, in the attempt to puncture the tyres and so force the van to a stop.
That's what they said afterwards. But at least four shots were fired - that much is admitted. And some of those shots smashed the windscreen to smithereens ; that was a long way above the wheels, and one of those shots pierced young Leonard's brain, tearing a hole two-and-a-half-inches wide in the side of his head. That shot could hardly have been aimed at the wheels.
Be the evidence what it may, be the 'official' verdict what it may, the fact is that young Leonard, going about his ordinary every-day affairs, completely unaware that he was in any way transgressing any of the so-called 'laws' of the Six County Police State, was suddenly cold-bloodedly shot to death by the modern Black-And-Tans, while it was only a miracle that his three young companions did not also meet the same fate. If ever there was an outrage which reflected directly on the deliberate policy of the Stormont junta, this one certainly does...(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for reading, Sharon.





BLOODTHIRSTY 'B SPECIALS' SHOOT THEIR OWN MEN!

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ON THIS DATE (10TH FEBRUARY) 36 YEARS AGO : NOLLAIG O GADHRA'TALKS TO THE PROVISIONALS'.
This article was first published in 'The Sunday Press' newspaper on the 10th February 1985 - 31 years ago, on this date :
The British Government has twice entered into detailed negotiations with representatives of the IRA. Nollaig O Gadhra(pictured) recalls the talks that took place exactly ten years ago between the Northern Ireland(sic) Office and the Provisional Republican Movement.
When the British Government, through its spokespersons from Stormont Castle, met the Provos to negotiate a continuation of the 1974 Christmas Truce - on 19th January 1975 - they made four main points:
*We are prepared for (our) officials to discuss with members of Provisional Sinn Féin how a permanent cessation of violence might be agreed and what would be the practical problems to be solved.
*We are, as we have already said, prepared for (our) officials to engage in a discreet exchange of views with Provisional Sinn Féin on matters arising from their objectives. We would not exclude the raising of any relevant questions.
*Our representatives would remain, as at present, for both sets of talks. We would be content to engage in these consecutively or in parallel, but the urgency of the ceasefire question suggests that this should be taken first.
*The representation would have to be within the terms of the statement in parliament about not negotiating with the IRA though being ready to speak to Provisional Sinn Féin.
Two days of general discussion and some 'shadow-boxing' ensued, complicated by the fact that the British side wanted the first two points kept secret but not point three. The formula about speaking to Provisional Sinn Féin but not directly to the (P)IRA was set out in (the British) Parliament on January 14th, 1975, by Mr. Merlyn Rees, the Northern Ireland
(sic) Secretary, and became the basis of policy for the months ahead, even when, later on, (P)IRA Commanders from Derry and Belfast joined with Provisional Sinn Féin leaders in direct negotiations with the (British) Stormont Officials about monitoring and maintaining the Truce which finally was agreed to come into operation on 11th February, 1975.
The basis of that Truce was laid in a 12-point document entitled'Terms for a Bi-lateral Truce' which the republican leaders handed over at a meeting on 21st January, 1975. That document called for :
1. Freedom of movement for all members of the Republican Movement.
2. Cessation of all harassment of the civilian population.
3. A cessation of raids on lands , homes and other buildings.
4. A cessation of arrests of members of the Republican Movement.
5. An end to screening, photographing and identity checks.
6. Members of the Republican Movement reserve the right to carry concealed short arms solely for the purpose of self-defence.
7. No provocative displays of force by either side.
8. No re-introduction of RUC and UDR into designated areas.
9. Agreement of effective liaison system between British and republican forces.
10. A progressive withdrawal of British troops to barracks to begin with the implementation of the bi-lateral Truce.
11. Confirmation that discussions between representatives of the Republican Movement and H.M.G. will continue towards securing a permanent ceasefire.
12. In the event of any of these terms being violated, the Republican Movement reserves the right of freedom of action.

The initial 'off-the-cuff' British reaction to these demands was as follows -
1. Difficult ;
2. No trouble in principle ;
3. Do ;
4. Difficult where political charges were concerned ;
5. Timing and extent an issue ;
6. 'A rock' ;
7. OK ;
8. Difficult ;
9. Would have to involve the Republican Movement and the Northern Ireland
(sic) Office ;
10. OK ;
11. Yes ;
12 . Fact.
There were a few days of indecision, during which the IRA had resumed limited operations in both Britain and the North, leading to a threat from the British side that
"..if any further activity takes place in Britain or Belfast, the meetings will probably end..". The republican response was to note that there had been"...a genuine and sustained cessation of violence for 25 days during the Christmas and New Year Truces and there had been no worthwhile response from the British Government..."
This was a game of bluff, which ended on 22nd January 1975 when the British returned to the bargaining table, handing over a copy of the Rees Statement in the Commons, and emphasising two points in particular which stressed a positive role for Sinn Féin as the political wing of the Republican Movement, if a Truce came into operation on a permanent basis, and steps were needed to ensure it did not break down.
They also stressed that they would have to break off the talks if two acts like those which had happened in Belfast the previous day were repeated. On this and on several other occasions, while the British stressed the need for an over-all ceasefire, the impression was given that IRA attacks on Britain were particularly resented. They had a political effect on Westminster far outweighing much greater horrors in Northern Ireland(sic) though this did not mean, of course, that London was in any way over-looking the suffering which violence had caused there.
Discussions continued from 23rd January 1975, with substantial progress being made on what was seen as the less difficult points in the republican demands. Freedom of movement for all republicans during the period of the Truce was a particular sticking-point, in spite of a precedent set during the course of the negotiations with Mr. Whitelaw and the Tories in 1972.
Towards the end of the month, the Gardiner Report and its implications were discussed. The republican negotiators emphasised, once again, the"terrible consequences" that would follow any attempt to deny political status ; they also re-iterated their original aim in entering the dialogue ie -"If Her Majesty's Government wished to disengage from Ireland the Republican Movement would help them, but if their aim was to reconstruct British rule in Ireland in some type of more acceptable form, then republicans would contest the ground with them.." ('1169' comment - in our opinion, the 1998 Stormont Treaty ('GFA') was an agreement between the British, the Free Staters and the Provisional grouping "to reconstruct British rule in Ireland" : Irish republicans will not accept any agreement which seeks to do that.)
By 31st January 1975, the British had suggested that the key to progress lay in keeping"off principle" and getting on with practical arrangements. Towards this end, they handed over two formal documents ; one was a comprehensive system of liaison involving two alternative schemes, the other was a questionnaire regarding the running of proposed 'Incident Centres'. In the process of reporting back to London, the initial impression was that there was welcome for the constructive discussions that had taken place. But work on the two schemes, the proposals for Incident Centres to monitor a Truce and other matters, continued into February 1975 - on the third of that month, the British added four points to the 12-point document which the republicans had prepared, and which formed the ultimate basis of the bilateral ceasefire. Three of these new points concerned the types of paramilitary activity in which the IRA could not engage during a cessation of hostilities : the fourth new point promised that"the rate of release will be speeded up with a view to releasing all detainees" as soon as violence had come to a complete end.
It emerged, on 7th February 1975, at which the British produced a new version of their (by now) 16-point document, that the early removal of the 'Emergency Provisions Act' was foreshadowed : they also made three other central points, on which the fate of the Truce ultimately hung -
1. The highest possible consultation had taken place on their (H.M.G.'s) side , involving the Prime Minister, the Attorney General, the Director of Public Prosecutions and a named British Civil Servant who acted as 'link-man' between Whitehall and the negotiators.
2. All points had been considered, and they had gone the furthest possible distance.
3. They were now presenting an 'amended version' of their previous document, and they had also prepared a document containing possible forms of words for the public announcement on both sides.
The bulk of the republican demands were then conceded, though in phrases that, in some cases, differed from the original Provisional 12-point document. On the question of 'Free Movement' for all Provisional IRA people, the legal issue of immunity was recognised, but resolved, by a promise of 'Incident Centres', and an assurance that
"...the British Army will be pulled back, the RUC will not enter designated areas and the Republican Movement can check, in advance, through the liaison system, regarding the position of specific republican personnel.."
The right of republicans to bear arms, even short arms for their personal protection, was also a major difficulty ; this was resolved by a written British response which stated that"The law provides for permits to be granted for people to carry arms for self-defence. The issue of firearms permits will take account of the risk to individuals. The need to protect individuals who may be at risk of assassination is recognised."Because the Provisionals did not wish to apply for permits to the RUC it was necessary for the British to give"a personal assurance" from the 'Northern Ireland(sic) Office' that"if all that stands between us and the successful conclusion of our present arrangement is 24 permits, we shall find a way around that difficulty."('1169' Comment - the Provisionals now request permits from the British and the Free Staters to undertake Easter Lily collections : for shame, applying to those that put brave Irish men and women in their graves for 'permission' to 'remember and honour' those same men and women put there by the same foe. If that is 'success', we want no part of it.)
The break-through came on 7th February 1975, and the next day the formula of words to be issued by both Merlyn Rees(pictured) and the Republican Movement on the coming into operation of the new cease fire were agreed. In his statement , Mr. Rees recalled a previous statement about the talks, confirming that they had taken place but being very vague about details, either of what had been agreed or what the talks would involve in the future. The then British Secretary for 'Northern Ireland'(sic), Merlyn Rees, stated that they (the British) would continue"to explain British Government policy" to Sinn Féin, and"to outline and discuss the arrangements that might be made to ensure that any ceasefire did not break down." He also outlined details of the 'Incident Centres' which had been set up"to ensure that any ceasefire did not break down." The Provisional IRA, on Sunday 9th February 1975, issued its statement as follows -"In the light of discussions which have taken place between representatives of the Republican Movement and British Officials, on effective arrangements to ensure that there is no breakdown of a new truce, the Army Council of Oglaigh na hÉireann has renewed the order suspending offensive military action. Hostilities against Crown Forces will be suspended from 6.00 pm, February 10th 1975."
For the second time within three years, the British Government had negotiated a cease-fire with the Provisional IRA : this time it was with a Labour Government whose Prime Minister, Harold Wilson, had hinted throughout his long political career of the need to set the wheels in motion towards ultimate British disengagement from Ireland. That, and the fact that an elaborate monitoring-system had been agreed, meant that this second attempt had a better chance of survival.
Negotiations about the more specific issue of British disengagement from Ireland continued for almost a year before the entire exercise collapsed. But that is another story which, hopefully, Merlyn Rees will outline in some detail when his book of memoirs is published. ('1169' comment - the British are still here today, politically and militarily, and not only is there no indication from them that they are considering withdrawing from Ireland, but their actual position here has been strengthened by the cooperation of those that once opposed them.)



'LOCAL GOVERNMENT ELECTIONS...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Sinn Féin candidates will be seeking election to local government bodies in several areas at the forthcoming lections. Some of the areas and candidates are listed below -
WESTMEATH COUNTY COUNCIL :
Bernard Kelly, Mount Temple, Moate.
Patrick Mulvihill, Coosan, Athlone.

ATHLONE URBAN COUNCIL :
Patrick Irwin, Iona Park, Athlone.

GALWAY COUNTY COUNCIL :
Martin Kelly, Ballygar.
Patrick Ruane, Carnmore.

TUAM TOWN COMMISSIONERS :
Michael Daly, Tuam.

SLIGO COUNTY COUNCIL :
James Dolan, Martin Savage Terrace, Sligo.

SLIGO CORPORATION :
James Dolan, Martin Savage Terrace, Sligo.

LIMERICK :
Patrick Mulcahy, Dublin Road, Limerick.
(END of 'Local Government Elections' : NEXT - 'Occupation Forces Augmented', from the same source.)



'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Judge John O'Donnell said -"I do want it brought to the notice of the DPP and the Garda Commissioner that such an event happened".He said there was a"...grave seriousness attached to it.." and he reserved the right to cross-examine the two gardai when a date for a hearing was arranged.
Bernard Conlon, the small-time criminal from Sligo, was subsequently charged on three counts of making a false report to gardai, an offence under the Criminal Law Act 1976. Garda sources indicate that Conlon was encouraged to make false claims by a serving garda member. Conlon is expected to give evidence as a State witness against this garda.
Edward Moss was a reluctant witness against the McBreartys ; from Strabane, in County Tyrone, Moss had crossed the border to visit the McBrearty-owned Frankie's Niteclub and, having been ejected from the club, tripped on the way out and injured his ankle. He instructed a Strabane solicitor to sue for damages for personal injury and got £10,000 in an out-of-court settlement.
From the moment they became aware of the incident, the gardai pressurised Moss to bring charges for assault against McBrearty, contacting him on numerous occasions at his place of work in Donegal...(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (10TH FEBRUARY) 35 YEARS AGO : HANGING SENTENCE COMMUTED TO 40 YEARS IN PRISON WITHOUT REMISSION.
Free State Detective Garda Frank Hand (pictured, left).
This article was published in 'Magill' magazine, March 1986.
On February 10th 1986 - 35 years ago on this date - the courts turned down the appeals of three men sentenced to hang. The men now face, on commutation of sentence by the (Free State) government, 40 years in prison without remission, for their involvement in the Drumree robbery and killing.
John Collins retired from the Garda Siochana (Free State police) in February 1984. He lived at Ballybane, County Galway. Two months later, on April 27th 1984, he had a night out at the golf club in Salthill and emerged at 1.30am to find his beige Opel Ascona had been stolen from the carpark. He had left a lot of property in the car, including golf clubs, golfing clothes, spectacles and a briefcase. Two days later the briefcase was handed into Coolock Garda Station in Dublin, minus a chequebook, banker's card and documents relating to the Ascona car.
Three months later, on July 27th 1984, John Small of Newcastle, County Down, parked his dark red Mercedes car in an open carpark at Monaghan Street, Newry : when he returned after three hours it was gone. Tommy Eccles, aged 24 , from Muirhevenamore, Dundalk, County Louth, went to Newry on that day. Eccles was a Provo ; he had been instructed to go to Newry and pick up the red Mercedes. He found the car, as per his instructions, parked near the Cupid Nightclub, with the keys in the ignition. He drove the car down across the border and left it in the care of Paddy Duffy, aged 24 ; he was a landscape gardener and lived in a mobile home in a yard at Dromiskin, a village south of Dundalk. Duffy was a Provo. Around the same time he was also given the Ascona car , and concealed both cars on a farm near Castlebellingham.
Joe Gargan had a yellow Ford Escort car ; he was a Provo sympathiser, aged 34, a lorry driver who lived at Kentstown, County Meath. Noel McCabe, aged 44, from Dundalk, County Louth, was a Provo sympathiser : he was handy with cars and, around July, he began repairs to a car belonging to another Dundalk man - it was a blue Ford Cortina, and when McCabe fixed it he didn't return it to its owner immediately, but began driving it himself.
A stolen beige Open Ascona, a stolen red Mercedes, Joe Gargan's yellow Escort, Noel McCabe's 'borrowed' blue Cortina : two cars brought within reach, two local cars 'on tap'. Noel McCabe was an alcoholic who was beating his problem ; by August 1984 he was eight months off drink. To fill his time and keep his mind off drink he fixed television sets in a shed at the back of his house in Oliver Plunkett Park, Dundalk, County Louth : his odd-jobs extended to various kinds of electrical work and car repairs.
Some time in 1983 a man arrived at Noel McCabe's house with a TV that needed fixing ; the man was a Northerner , a hardened Provo now living in the South. As legal proceedings may yet ensue against this man we will for the purposes of this narrative call him 'Paul Finnegan', though that is not his name. McCabe fixed the TV and Finnegan asked him to fix the TV again in February 1984 ; on this occasion McCabe went to Finnegan's house to do the job. The two chatted for a long time about politics, about the Provos. Finnegan said his family had been harassed by the RUC and the British Army and he was forced to go 'on the run' and come to live in Dundalk. McCabe expressed sympathy with Finnegan's republican sentiments - the two became friendly and McCabe sometimes dropped into Finnegan's house for tea. Finnegan sometimes dropped around to McCabe's with some little repair job on a car or radio. Eventually, Finnegan asked Noel McCabe if he would "do a bit of work for the Republican Movement".
Noel McCabe agreed to do a bit of work for the Republican Movement ; he began doing the odd bit of fixing walkie-talkies, radios and battery chargers. Before long McCabe became a kind of Provo 'chauffeur' : he would be asked to pick someone up and drive him to, say, Inniskeen, and pick the guy up a couple of hours later and drive him back. He got petrol money for this ; sometimes Paul Finnegan himself was the passenger. Another of the people he drove for was a Northerner called 'Frankie' ; McCabe used to see Frankie around Dundalk from time to time and he would give him the nod. The man never acknowledged the greeting. The next time McCabe gave Frankie a lift he was warned never to speak to him in the street - McCabe was not to be publicly identified with the Provos, he could then be used safely as a driver or helper.
Around March 1984, Paul Finnegan began leaving guns with Noel McCabe ; first, a .38 automatic for just one night, then a sawn-off shotgun for a month. McCabe hid the guns under a bench in his shed - he was nervous about this and complained. Finnegan was understanding and took the guns away. He asked if McCabe would do one last run for him, he was stuck and he wouldn't ask again. McCabe agreed and gave Finnegan a lift to either Inniskeen or Swords (he couldn't remember which) and picked him up later and brought him back to Dundalk.
A couple of months went by in which McCabe wasn't asked to do anything for the Republican Movement ; then, around June or July, Paul Finnegan arrived with a bag of guns : a sten-gun, two carbines, a sawn-off shotgun, a modern pistol and a rusty old revolver -"Everyone has to play their part. Headquarters know you held guns for us before and they expect you to do so again, and to do your part", Finnegan told Noel McCabe. So McCabe kept the guns under his bench for a few weeks.
A few weeks later, Paul Finnegan came and took them away. A few days later he was back with a request that Noel McCabe"do a wee run". Someone else had let him down ; and at the weekend he might want McCabe to do another run up the country"to collect a few lads and take them back to Dundalk."Noel McCabe drove Finnegan about three-quarters of a mile up the Carrickmacross Road that day, to an old farmhouse. There was an old man there and he told Finnegan -"There was a few of your lads here earlier this week." A Ford Cortina drove into the yard and a transaction followed involving guns ; one man from the Cortina wound coloured tape around a rifle -"I'll know my marking," he told Finnegan.
That gun was passed on to a man driving yet another car, and then Noel McCabe drove Finnegan back to Dundalk ; on the way, Finnegan told McCabe he wanted him to pick up three blokes the following Friday morning, August 10th, and take them to Dundalk - they wouldn't be armed, they'd be clean. On the Thursday night, Finnegan would show him where to pick them up. That Thursday, Paul Finnegan went about organising a number of people for the robbery of a post van at Drumree Post Office, to take place about 8am the following morning. Drumree is a 'speck on the map' about twenty miles from Dublin, about forty-five miles from Dundalk ; the post office is in a lay-by. It is run by Mary Gilsenan and her son Michael - it is not the obvious place for a large haul. That Thursday, Paul Finnegan went to Drogheda at noon and met Seamus Lynch, a Provo from Kentstown, which is about fifteen miles from Drumree : Finnegan instructed Lynch to be at a field at Rathfeigh, near Drumree, shortly after 8am the following morning, to collect guns and money and store them. Finnegan and Lynch drove to the field so that Finnegan could show Lynch where to pick up the stuff.
Others lined up that day for the robbery of a post van at Drumree Post Office were Paddy Duffy of Dromiskin, to provide the stolen cars ; Tommy Eccles of Dundalk, who had brought the Mercedes down from Newry and who was to drive it in the robbery ; Joe Gargan of Kentstown, who was to provide Seamus Lynch with a car and help him hide the money ; Noel McCabe, who had been doing odd jobs for Paul Finnegan, who was to drive three robbers to safety ; and Pat McPhillips and Brian McShane, two Provos from Dundalk, who were to help unload the money from the post office van into the red Mercedes. There were also at least two others lined up for the robbery, plus Paul Finnegan : two armed men would wait at Drumree Post Office for the post van to arrive, the others would be involved in getting the money and guns away from the area after the job.
That night Paul Finnegan and a number of others assembled in Paddy Duffy's yard at Dromiskin, about six miles south of Dundalk ; Duffy was the Provo who lived in the mobile home and was in charge of providing the cars. He had the Opel Ascona ready, someone else brought the red Mercedes. That was the end of Duffy's participation in the robbery.
Noel MCabe, the alcoholic who had been doing odd jobs for Paul Finnegan, had driven Finnegan out to Paddy Duffy's place that night, where the cars and guns were assembled. Finnegan passed money around - he gave McCabe £30 to make sure the blue Ford Cortina had enough petrol ; he showed McCabe the crossroads where he was to pick up 'the lads' next morning. McCabe then drove Finnegan back to Dundalk, getting home himself at about a quarter to one in the morning. He was uneasy and had trouble getting to sleep. Meanwhile, Tommy Eccles, Pat McPhillips, Brian McShane and some others moved on from Duffy's to some sheds near Dunshaughlin, about three miles from Drumree. They travelled in the stolen Mercedes and Ascona ; they slept in the sheds that night.
Earlier that day, (FS) Detective Sergeant Patrick Millea of the Central Detective Unit was rostering gardai for Friday's duties. He assigned Detective Garda Francis Hand for Post Office escort duty commencing at 7am the next day and, just before 7am that morning, Detective Garda Frank Hand of the Central Detective Unit arrived at his Headquarters at Harcourt Square. The detective with whom he would work that day, Detective Garda Michael Dowd, was already there. Dowd had signed out an attache case which held an Uzi submachine gun ; the two Gardai went out and found the Fiat Mirafiori they would be using that day. Dowd took the Uzi from the case, along with two magazines carrying twenty rounds each ; he put the attach case, containing three more magazines, on the back seat of the Fiat. He put one magazine into the Uzi and left the other on the floor of the car near his feet. He was also armed with a Walther P.P. semi-automatic pistol ; Frank Hand was armed with a Smith and Wesson .38 Special.
Frank Hand was 25. He joined the Garda force in 1977 and became a detective in 1981. He was one of seven children of a Roscommon family and, on joining, in 1977, worked in Dublin - in Donnybrook and Irishtown. In 1981 he became a detective and subsequently worked with the Drug Squad.
Early in 1984 he was assigned to the Central Detective Unit. In July 1984 he married Ban Gharda Breda Hogan ; they had returned from their honeymoon in Venice about a week before Hand set out with Detective Michael Dowd on post office escort duty. They lived in Lucan, County Dublin. Frank Hand was driving. He and Dowd arrived at the GPO at around 7.15am and almost immediately drew in behind a post office van and set off on Route 3, which begins at Dunboyne, in Meath, just beyond the border with Dublin. That route then went to a few post offices in Meath, wound back into Dublin through Blanchardstown, Cabra, Phibsboro, to Berkeley Road, a stone's throw from O'Connell Street. Route 3 covered nineteen post offices, there were twenty-three mailbags in the van, containing almost a quarter of a million pounds, most of it social welfare money.
Ironically, the route which the post office van took on its way to the beginning of its deliveries - through Phibsboro, Cabra, Blanchardstown etc - was the way it would travel on its official route back ; in other words, the van was going to almost the most distant point on the route before beginning to drop off money! Had it began dropping off mailbags on its way out of the city it would have arrived in Drumree with just a few thousand pounds.
The armed detectives stayed roughly 100 yards behind the post office van ; routinely, they paid attention to any vehicle coming in sight, assessing it for danger. There was nothing suspicious. At Dunboyne Post Office, the first drop, the garda car stopped behind the van ; detective Michael Dowd sat where he was, the Uzi on his lap. Detective Frank Hand got out of the car ; the post office helper, Donal Brady, got out of the van with the mailbag. He and Hand went to the door of the post office together, and Hand kicked the bottom of the door and rattled the letterbox. The bag of money was handed over. Next stop, Batterstown, the same procedure. Detective Hand got out, Dowd stayed in the car. Brady got out of the van and J.J. Bell, the van driver, stayed at the wheel. No problems. Next stop, Drumree. The van now carried £202,900 in cash. It was about 7.50am.
Around that time Tommy Eccles, Pat McPhillips and someone else, a man with an earring, were in the red Mercedes in the shed about three miles from Drumree ; Brian McShane was in the beige Opel Ascona along with some others. They had walkie-talkies. In Kentstown , about fifteen miles from Drumree, Seamus Lynch was up and about. He had to be in the designated field at Rathfeigh to pick up the money and guns ; he needed a car and knew where to get it. He had several times borrowed Joe Gargan's yellow Ford Escort. Gargan also lived in Kentstown.
Noel McCabe had left his home in Dundalk at 7.10am and was now driving his 'borrowed' blue Ford Cortina south-west towards a crossroads somewhere around Dunshaughlin, where he would pick up 'the lads', as requested by Paul Finnegan. In a lane beside Drumree Post Office, behind an iron gate, two armed men were waiting. They wore blue boiler-suits and black balaclavas. One carried a Sten submachine gun, the other had a Webley revolver, .455 calibre. Just a few feet away, inside the post office, Michael Gilsenan and Mick Boyle, the local postman, were sorting mail. The post office van pulled into the lay-by at Drumree Post Office ; Donal Brady, the van helper, got out with the money bag - this time he didn't wait for detective Frank Hand to join him. He went into the post office. It was 8.03am, give or take a minute. The Garda Fiat car coasted to a stop behind the post van. The gunmen in boiler suits, two of them, began running towards the garda car from the lane beside the post office. The one in front had the Sten gun, the one slightly behind had the Webley.
Detective Garda Michael Dowd, glancing to his left , saw the two gunmen coming at him ; he shouted to Frank Hand : someone else shouted -" GET DOWN, YOU FUCKER!" The man with the Webley was already firing - there were six bullets in the cylinder, .455 calibre, all old, some defective. The man got off three rounds, two of which hit the rear left door of the garda Fiat. One lodged in the door panel, the other passing through the car, missing both gardai and smashing through the driver's window, beside Frank Hand. The third shot from the Webley hit the ground behind the post office van. The gunman pulled the trigger again, and once more, those two rounds misfired ; at this stage the gunman with the Sten was moving to his left : he had not yet fired. He was now standing to the front and left of the garda car. While this was happening - inside the post office Gilsenan and Boyle and Brady heard the running feet, the shouting, the shots. Boyle and Brady ran out the back of the post office and hid in a shed. Gilsenan ran forward and slammed the front door of the post office. He locked the door and went upstairs to look out the window.
The robbery was in progress ; shots had been fired. JJ Bell, the post office van driver, took off the handbrake and put the van into first gear. Then he hesitated, for fear of being shot whilst driving away. All of this was happening in the few seconds after the garda car came to rest behind the van. Then the man with the Sten gun opened up. The memories of the surviving victims of the raid are, understandably, confused and contradictory on some points : Michael Dowd, for instance, thought at first that the man with the Webley was firing a submachine gun. From statements made shortly after the incident and - more reliably - detailed forensic reports, it is possible to work out what happened. The gunman with the Sten fired eight shots, either in one burst, with the gun moving up and to the left or - more likely - two quick bursts of four bullets. Four bullets hit the windscreen area of the car, in a cluster, ripping the chrome and rubber strip holding the windscreen. One of these bullets ploughed across the dashboard and went out the driver's door, which was open. Detective Frank Hand was already out of the car, or getting out, his Smith and Wesson .38 revolver in his hand, when the Sten gun began firing.
Two more bullets from the Sten hit the windscreen about a foot from the bottom ; a seventh bullet hit the windowframe of the door which Frank Hand had just opened. This all happened in fractions of a second ; Detective Michael Dowd saw the bullet holes appear in the windscreen, the dashboard being ploughed by a bullet. One of the bullets fragmented and a sliver of metal hit him just above his left eyebrow. He slumped to his right, putting his hands to the wound, the Uzi slipping from his lap ; Detective Frank Hand got off two shots - one hit the post office wall about seven feet from the ground, the other was never found. The eight bullet from the Sten gun hit Frank Hand in the right upper chest, passing through the chest cavity causing a hemorrhage.
Frank Hand spun around and fell face down, facing towards the rear of the garda car ; the hemorrhage led to asphyxia. Someone shouted "For God's sake stop shooting, there's a man dead..."Detective Michael Dowd was still struggling upright in the garda car, his forehead bleeding, when the door was pulled open beside him and a handgun put to his head ; he was grabbed by the arm and thrown out beside the car on his hands and knees. His handgun was pulled from its holster - he was told to lie down. He hesitated. A gun was put to the back of his head -"On your belly." He was told to put his nose and lips on the ground and not to move. He sank to the ground.
There was a man with a submachine gun at the driver's door of the post van -"Turn off the fucking ignition." The van driver, JJ Bell, switched off and pulled out the key. He was told to get out and open the back doors. For some reason he found himself reaching into the glove compartment and taking his cigarettes and lighter. The stolen beige Opel Ascona and the red Mercedes, with Tommy Eccles, Pat McPhillips, Brian McShane and two or three others whose identity is not known, called there by walkie-talkie, arrived at the post office, skidding to a stop.
JJ Bell had opened the back doors of the van and was now lying face down on the ground ; he still had the keys of the van in his right hand. One of the gunmen kicked the keys from under his hand , put a gun to the back of his head and said "If you move, son, you are fucking dead." Bell didn't move ; in his left hand he still had his smokes and his lighter. The money bags were transferred into the red Mercedes ; the radio was torn out of the garda car. Detective Michael Dowd, gambling that the gunmen would be watching the money, raised his right arm and turned his head so he could see under his armpit and from the number of legs he saw moving back and forth he thought there were at least eight raiders. They were wearing blue boilersuits and black balaclavas with red stitching around the mouths. He could see one raider holding a pistol that looked like his own.
The leader of the gang, giving orders in a Northern accent, several times said"Shoot him! Shoot him!" to the raider standing near Detective Dowd ; Dowd didn't know how the gunmen would interpret this, whether it was a real order or a method of intimidation. Each second he expected to be shot. Mary Gilsenan, Michael's mother, was in the family bungalow about 60 yards away ; she had heard the shots, so she rang the post office to find out what was happening. The receiver was lifted immediately and Michael shouted"DIAL 999!" then the phone was slammed down. She dialled 999 three times before being put through to Dublin Castle.
The money and guns were by now dumped in the Opel Ascona and the red Mercedes and both cars sped off. Just before the second car left the leader said"If that fucking bastard moves, fucking shoot him, shoot him !" Then the cars were gone. Detective Michael Dowd didn't know if any raiders remained behind. James Gorman, who lived about 50 yards on the other side of the post office, had already seen the activity, and heard the shots ; he got 999 and was put through to the gardai, his son David was watching the events unfold and shouting information to his father, who in turn passed it on to the gardai. He saw the cars speed away.
Detective Dowd, lying on the ground beside the garda car, looked across at JJ Bell lying face down -" Are they all gone?" Things were very quiet. Donal Brady came out from the shed behind the post office ;"Are you alright, JJ?", he called to Bell. Detective Dowd looked around and under the car at his partner -"Are you alright, Frank?" The ambulance came from Navan ; it arrived after almost half an hour, around 8.35am. Nurse Olivia Reilly felt for Detective Frank Hand's pulse but could find none.
It was 8.05am : Seamus Lynch, the Provo in Kentstown, had gone to Joe Gargan's house, went up to his bedroom and Gargan had given him the keys to his yellow Ford Escort. Lynch was now arriving at the field at Rathfeigh ; Noel McCabe was waiting in his 'borrowed' blue Ford Cortina, at the crossroads where he was to pick up 'the lads'. The red Mercedes, driven by Tommy Eccles, came speeding along, on its way from Drumree, past McCabe, who followed it to the field at Rathfeigh. The yellow Escort was already there. There was panic in the field ; the men from the Mercedes were shouting and arguing about the shooting of the garda, running around in circles. The money, guns, boiler suits and walkie-talkies were dumped in the boot of the yellow Escort and Seamus Lynch drove it away to Kentstown. Petrol was thrown on the Mercedes and it was set on fire.
Tommy Eccles, Pat McPhillips and the man with the ear-ring got into Noel McCabe's blue Ford Cortina and he drove them off towards Dundalk ; the three passengers were white-faced, arguing. McCabe started to ask them what happened when McPhillips said"Shut up,drive!" The car wound its way through the narrow roads with McPhillips barking"Left, right, right, left," several times, before admitting he was lost. The panic in the car was such that at Julianstown, three or four miles from Drogheda, Noel McCabe ordered the others out of the car, in fear they would run into a garda checkpoint ; McPhillips and the man with the ear-ring got out and made their way on foot. McCabe agreed to drive Tommy Eccles into Drogheda ; he did so. Then he drove on to Dundalk and went to Mass before returning home.
In Drogheda, Tommy Eccles went into a shop and bought a peach - he ate it walking along the street, then he went into St. Peter's Church, the one with Oliver Plunkett's head, and thanked God he had got away. Seamus Lynch drove the guns and money to a big shed about a mile from Kentstown. Joe Gargan was waiting there for him. Lynch hid the guns and money inside an empty tank in the shed and then went home. The 9am news on the radio said a garda had been killed at Drumree. Tommy Eccles took a taxi home to Dundalk from Drogheda. The taxi driver, a Mrs Dempsey, told him there had been something on the news about a garda being shot dead at Drumree. Eccles felt sick. Meanwhile, the beige Opel Ascona had disappeared in another direction, taking the 'heavies', the ones who had used the guns, to safety.
Sunday 12th August 1984 ; two days after the killing of Detective Frank Hand. Noel McCabe went to Tommy Eccles's house. Eccles was there with Paul Finnegan - McCabe asked them about the robbery but Finnegan warned him not to talk about it to anyone or he would be shot -"It went wrong, we didn't mean to shoot anyone", said Finnegan,"I did'nt intend to involve you in anything like this." Then he laughed."It's only another stiff, anyway."When Finnegan was gone McCabe and Eccles talked ;"It's ironic", said Eccles, according to McCabe,"but it's a Scotsman who shot him."
The gardai drew up a questionnaire and began a house-to-house inquiry. On Monday 13th August 1984 both Seamus Lynch and Joe Gargan received routine visits at their homes in Kentstown ; both answered the routine questions, placing themselves well away from Drumree at the time of the killing(which was, in fact , true). A Garda, Michael Miley, interviewed Joe Gargan - he thought that Gargan talked a lot, very freely, but gave short and to-the-point answers to specific questions about his movements. There was space at the bottom of the questionnaire marked -'Member's Personal Opinion?' and Garda Miley wrote -'Very talkative, seemed very friendly, but not genuine.'
The Gardai lifted a lot of people, the routine round-up. Among them were Seamus Lynch, Joe Gargan, Tommy Eccles and Paddy Duffy. They all made statements, some bare admissions of their own roles in the robbery, others lengthier and fuller. There would later be allegations of garda beatings, but there was little evidence to sustain them. What seemed to have happened is that, faced with the unexpected enormity of the situation in which they found themselves, the suspects crumbled. The money and guns were recovered from the shed at Kentstown. Most of the IRA team had been lifted ; admissions were made. The money and guns had been recovered. Noel McCabe, never publicly linked with the Provos, wasn't lifted. He was still shocked and full of remorse about the killing of Frank Hand, worried about what would happen to him. Some time in the week after the killing he went to confession in Dundalk, to a Fr. McAuley ; he told about his part in the robbery and said he wanted to tell someone else.
The priest told him he should. On Friday 24th August 1984, two weeks after the robbery, his name still unknown to the gardai, McCabe began ringing Brendan McGahon, the Fine Gael TD from Dundalk. McGahon had known Noel McCabe for years and knew of his trouble with the drink. That night McCabe went to McGahon's house and told him of his involvement in the crime ; they talked for three hours. McGahon said he would contact someone in authority. That night he got in touch with the gardai in Dundalk. McCabe was to return to McGahon two days later, but he was attending an 'Alcoholics Anonymous' meeting that Sunday night ; he went to McGahon's home on Monday but the man wasn't there. On Tuesday night he again approached his house, this time just as McGahon's car drove away. The gardai, meanwhile, had been in touch with McGahon at Leinster House. At 6.45am on Wednesday 29th August 1984 McCabe was arrested ; Brian McShane and Pat McPhillips were arrested twenty minutes earlier.
Within ten minutes of being taken to Navan Garda Station, Noel McCabe began making a lengthy statement. It told everything he knew about the robbery ; it was not the kind of confession sweated out of a suspect over a long period. It was detailed and convincing, and it corroborated and gave credence to statements made earlier by others of the group. McCabe was in over his head and now he just wanted to tell all. He hadn't intended to get involved in the killing of a garda.
Noel McCabe spent six weeks in solitary confinement in Portlaoise Prison, as a protective measure. In the course of the subsequent trial, in February and March 1985, he pleaded guilty to robbery and received a 10-year sentence, suspended - there was uproar in the public gallery of the Special Criminal Court and a man named Eoin McKenna, from Darndale, Dublin, shouted at McCabe"McCabe, you're a supergrass, the first Free State supergrass." McKenna was ordered to apologise to the court ; he refused and was immediately sentenced to 12 months for contempt of court. The accusation of 'supergrass' was silly ; Noel McCabe made his statement on August 29th ; Seamus Lynch and Joe Gargan made statements on August 15th ; Paddy Duffy made a statement on August 22nd and Tommy Eccles on August 23rd. The only person named in McCabe's statement who was subsequently convicted and who had not himself made a statement by that time was Pat McPhillips.
It suited the gardai and the courts to portray the affair as a well-planned and professionally executed robbery ; the Provos have their own macho reasons for believing in their own professionalism. The evidence is that the Drumree raid was poorly organised, dependent on amateurs, panicky in its execution and counter-productive in its political effects. And they got no money. The net effect was the death of a 25 year-old garda. Tommy Eccles, Brian McShane and Pat McPhillips pleaded not guilty to capital murder and claimed their statements were untrue and involuntary. The statements were declared admissible and the three were found guilty of capital murder and sentenced to death. Their appeal was dismissed on February 10th 1986 - 35 years ago on this date - and, on February 21st, their sentences were commuted to forty years without remission.
Paddy Duffy claimed in court that he thought the cars he was providing were to be used by the IRA in the North ; he was found guilty of non-capital murder and sentenced to penal servitude for life. Of the four found guilty of murder, only Paddy Duffy had a previous conviction - for possession of a revolver. Seamus Lynch was found guilty of robbery and was sentenced to four years ; Joe Gargan was found guilty of robbery and was given 10 years, suspended. None of those mentioned was present at Drumree when Detective Garda Frank Hand was killed.
Paul Finnegan was picked up a couple of times by the gardai but made no statement ; at least one, if not two or three more men, were involved in the robbery and have never been charged. 'Paul Finnegan' is no longer wanted for the Drumree robbery and murder. The gardai have no evidence against him. It is thought that he may be living abroad.


'LICENSED TO KILL...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
The second incident at Augher, County Tyrone, resulted in seriously wounding a young man of 23 years, Austin Stinson of Derrygonnelly, County Fermanagh. He was driving some friends in his brother's car when the shooting took place.
Indeed, reports say he was actually reversing the car, so no plea can be made that he was speeding through any roadblock or barrier. Again, the sheer cold-bloodedness of the shooting is startling. For police or auxiliary police, as these people are supposed to be, to go about armed with rifles, revolvers and machine guns is outrage enough, but to open fire on unarmed civilians without rhyme or reason is outrage upon outrage, which even the worst excesses attributed to the dictatorships could not excel.
The fact that Austin Stinson himself was a member of the 'B Specials' and his father also a member for many years only sharpens the outrage.
Apparently there was a full-scale emergency mobilisation of the 'B' men that night and those who carried out the ambush would have been satisfied that every 'B' man in the area would have been 'on duty' ; Austin Stinson must have failed to receive his notice or it may have been awaiting him at home. Anyhow, the ambushers felt sure that whoever was driving the car had to be 'one of the other side' and hence could be shot, with impunity.
This we are convinced is the explanation of the Augher shooting, in which the same cold-blooded callousness was displayed, as had been shown at Keady on the previous night. It was a complete accident that the victim himself happened to be a 'B Special...'(MORE LATER.)

Thanks for reading, Sharon.





WESTMINSTER : "TAKE BACK YOUR UNWANTED DEBRIS.."

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ON THIS DATE (17TH FEBRUARY) 125 YEARS AGO : JOHN REDMOND'S PLEA IN WESTMINSTER FOR IRISH POLITICAL PRISONERS GOES UNHEEDED.
On the 17th February, 1896 - 125 years ago on this date - John Redmond(pictured) secured speaking time in the Westminster Parliament to discuss the plight of Irish political prisoners held in prison by the British political administration.
Such was the dire conditions endured by our prisoners, two 'Irish Unionist' (Free Stater-) members of that political administration - Horace Plunkett and W.E.H. Lecky - actually supported Mr Redmond in his attempt to secure some sort of justice for those POW's.
During his plea to 'The House', Mr Redmond said -"...many hon. Members seemed to think that because it was contended that these were political prisoners who ought to be released, the Irish Members were thereby claiming that political offences ought not to be punished. Nothing could be more absurd. What they said was that there was a distinction drawn by all the nations in the world between the treatment of political offences and offences which sprang from the ordinary criminal instincts of mankind, and in dealing with every other nation in the world except with Ireland, England had been the first to draw this distinction...
...all persons to-day would admit that John Mitchell(pictured) was a political offender, but Englishmen of his day did not admit it, and they passed a special Act of Parliament dealing with the subject of treason in order that he might be treated, not as a political offender, but as an ordinary criminal. All men of all parties admitted that the Fenians were political offenders, but anyone who listened to the speech of the hon. Member for South Mayo (Mr. Davitt) the other night, who knew his history, and heard what he suffered in prison, would recognise that though he was a political offender he was not treated as such. In this case the Government still maintained the fiction that these men were not political prisoners; but when all these men had been released, and when another generation of Englishmen looked back on these transactions, they would, perhaps, be just as willing to admit that they were political prisoners as men of the present day were willing to admit that the hon. Member for South Mayo (Mr. Davitt) and John Mitchell were political prisoners of their day...
Michael Davitt.
...was it not a disgraceful thing for England and for the Imperial Parliament that every generation with relentless regularity had in face a question of amnesty? England's Government of Ireland involved this — that she was almost the only country in Europe which was never, by any chance, without some political prisoners in her gaols. An amnesty movement had become part of recognised political life in Ireland. He remembered that the first political meeting he ever attended was an amnesty meeting. The first Debate he, ever heard in the House was when, some 20 years ago, he came to listen to his father making a speech in favour of the amnesty of the political prisoners of his day. Irishmen had recently been blamed for telling the English people that in any foreign complications they had not the sympathy of the Nationalists of Ireland. Irishmen would have been liars and hypocrites if they had said anything else..."(From here.)
Mr Redmond and company were 'put in their place', albeit eloquently, by the political Dandies they were sitting with, which wasn't the first time that such proceedings ended in that manner. Indeed, Thatcher did much the same, although less eloquently.
The only solution is to ensure that there are no more Irish political prisoners been held for political ransom by Westminster and the best way to ensurethat is by Westminster withdrawing, politically and militarily, from Ireland. Until that happens, we will always, unfortunately, have Irish men and women incarcerated for political actions against the Crown.


'OCCUPATION FORCES AUGMENTED'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

'After a month's leave in Yorkshire, the 1st Battalion of the West Yorks Regiment, who returned from two years service in Malaya on May 1st, are to have a period of service in 'Northern Ireland', where they will be stationed at Lisanelly Camp, near Omagh. They will leave Leeds for Ireland on Wednesday, June 1st.'
The above report was carried in 'The Irish Times' on the 25th April, 1955. Lisanelly Camp has been unoccupied now for a number of years. Its re-occupation is an indication of the uneasiness with which British military circles regard the present resurgence and growth of the Republican Movement.
(END of 'Occupation Forces Augmented' ; NEXT - 'New Choir' and 'Ireland's Soldiers Remembered', from the same source.)



ON THIS DATE (17TH FEBRUARY) 175 YEARS AGO : ATTEMPTED GENOCIDE RAISED IN THE BRITISH PARLIAMENT.
On the 17th February, 1846 - 175 years ago on this date - speaking in the British so-called 'House of Commons', Daniel O'Connell(pictured) raised, among other issues, the potato blight in Ireland, and the effect it was having on 'her majesty's subjects' on that island.
The 'servants of the people' in that political institution were only too aware of the suffering that the Irish were trying to live through, and O'Connell was aware of that, but he was hoping that his comments would be carried in the newspapers and reach a wider audience.
This is an extract of the speech he delivered -
"...It was certain that there was a fearful prospect of a most calamitous season before the people of Ireland. The extent of that calamity had been disputed, and there had been a time when there was a prospect of some portion of it being possibly averted..the calamity was pressing, was imminent – more pressing, more imminent, and more fearful than that House was aware of. In order to understand it, it was right that the House should be made aware of the state of Ireland before the calamity, had impended.
The last Population Returns of 1841 showed that, out of the whole rural population of Ireland, 46 per cent lived in a single room ; the entire human family and the pigs occupied the same apartment together. The next fact was, that of the civil population – that is, of the inhabitants of towns – 36 per cent lived in a single room, and that two or three families sometimes occupied the same room.
An account of all cattle, sheep, and swine, imported into Great Britain from Ireland, from the 10th day of October, 1845, to the 5th day of January, 1846 ; oxen, bulls, and cows, 32,883 ; calves, 583 ; sheep and lambs, 32,576 ; swine, 104,141..more than half the potato crop is unfit for human food, and the disease is progressing. More than half the labourers are unemployed, and are likely to continue so for the next three months, and during the months of July and August, as the farmers will not have money nor food to give them.
The agricultural labourers of Ireland suffer the greatest privations and hardships ; that they depend upon precarious and casual employment for subsistence ; that they are badly housed, badly fed, badly clothed, and badly paid for their labour ; that it would be impossible to describe adequately the sufferings and privations which the cottiers and labourers and their families in most parts of the country endure ; that in many districts their only food is the potato, their only beverage water ; that their cabins are seldom a protection against the weather ; that a bed or blanket is a rare luxury ; and that nearly in all, their pig and their manure heap constitute their only property ; that a large proportion of the entire population comes within the designation of agricultural labourers, and endure sufferings greater than the people of any other country in Europe have to sustain..."(from here.)
The finely-suited 'parliamentarians' in that institution were aware of the suffering endured by the Irish, as policies enacted and enforced by Westminster was responsible for the genocide being played-out in Ireland, but they didn't care, as they themselves were not only not affected by those conditions but actually benefited, financially, from same ; Irish land, free of impoverished 'tenants', was more valuable and easier to sell than if the same land was sold with 'troublesome tenants' on it.
That mindset is still prevalent in British 'High Society' to this day, but here's a newsflash for our snob Brit readers - we ain't goin' nowhere ; this is our country, not a political and/or military base for your good selves. Take your unwanted debris back to your own country, and leave us in peace!


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Edward Moss said he eventually made a statement when he was told (by the gardai) that he'd never work in Donegal again if he didn't. In it, he claimed that Frank McBrearty gave him £15,000 not to make a complaint. He was reluctant to go to court, but was subpoenaed to attend. 'Magill' spoke to John Fahy, Moss's solicitor in Strabane, who wrote to the gardai on his client's behalf ; "You have insisted that he attend at the Garda Station to make statements, which statements have not been made voluntarily". John Fahy put the gardai on notice that if they persisted in contacting his client he would take proceedings to restrain them from doing so.
He says he no longer works in Donegal courts because of the difficulties he encountered -"I found some gardai were intimidatory towards me as an extension of the client. I accepted that situation prevailed in the North, but I expected more from the gardai in the South*. Unfortunately, that is not the case. I'd rather take my chances in a Northern court..."
(*'1169' comment - the 'cops' (ie State security service) on this island, North and South, will collaborate with each other in all cases to do with 'security matters' ; if they believe you have got the better of them in the North then you have made enemies with them, too, in the South, and vice versa.)(MORE LATER.)



'LICENSED TO KILL...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
One aspect of this whole business must be emphasised over and over again ; that is, it is the deliberate policy of the Stormont junta to provoke and incite the 'B Specials' to cause these incidents. They are frantically anxious to bring about sectarian strife in the Six County area and the instrument ready fashioned for this purpose is the 'B Special police force'. It was founded for this purpose and is maintained and used today for this purpose.
Deliberately, they are organised, instructed and trained to carry on a campaign of hostility and outrage on behalf of the Orange Order against the nationalist people in the North. They are the weapon which the Stormont junta inevitably falls back on in times of stress, whether that stress arises from economic or national causes. The Stormont junta know that the continuance of the Six County puppet State cannot be justified on economic grounds any more than it can on national grounds.
It is a monstrosity on both grounds and it would long ago have fallen but for the gullibility of the bulk of the Protestant people there who allow their religious feelings to be played upon and abused, by the cute self-seeking politicians in Stormont...(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for reading, Sharon.





"WALK WARILY, LISTEN KEENLY, AND HALT PROMPTLY.."

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ON THIS DATE (24TH FEBRUARY) 101 YEARS AGO : BRITISH-IMPOSED CURFEW IN DUBLIN COMES INTO EFFECT - "WALK WARILY AND HALT PROMPTLY".
'Soldiers To Take Charge Of City.
Walk Warily And Halt Promptly.
The 'Times' correspondent in Dublin states that the curfew order became operative at midnight on February 23. The soldiers took charge of the streets until 5am, when the police resumed duty.
Numerous permits have been granted to night workers but many are not applying.
The corporation has decided to extinguish all street lamps at 11.30pm on the ground that they refuse to light the streets for the benefit of an alien people who were not interested in the progress of the city or the liberty of the subject.
It was also decided to forbid any municipal employee or official to apply for permits from the English military government.
The corporation ordered the cessation of municipal services likely to endanger the employees lives, and stopped payment to any employee working overtime during the curfew hours.
Sir Andrew Beattie denounced the decision to cut off the light, which, he said, would afford opportunities for scoundrels. The Sinn Féin members replied that the darkness would not increase the danger from the soldiery.
The official curfew notices in Dublin warn citizens to walk warily, listen keenly, and halt promptly.'
The "alien people" mentioned above were actually the "scoundrels" referenced by the 'Irish Unionist', 'Sir' Andrew Beattie, a fact politely made by the then Dublin corporation body, and full marks to them for that!
'Official' State political bodies today and, indeed, 'unofficial' State bodies such as the trade union leaderships, wouldn't dare now make such a stand against the on-going British political and military presence in Ireland as they profit, career-wise, from not doing so.
Those entities are honest in that, when bought, they stay bought. 'Honest' as they are in that manner, they are also morally bankrupt due to their 'honesty'.


'NEW CHOIR' AND 'IRELAND'S SOLDIERS REMEMBERED'.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

NEW CHOIR :
'To The Editor, United Irishman.
A Chara,
May I avail of the columns of your paper to bring to the notice of your readers the recent formation of a choir.
We are called the O'Carolan Choir, after the name of the famous Irish bard, and we are interested mainly in singing Irish folk-songs in four-part arrangements. The choir is open to everyone with or without a knowledge of music ; if you can't read music we will teach you.We meet every Friday in 63 Grosvenor Road (basement), Rathmines, Dublin, at 8.20pm (learners at 8pm sharp) - come along and bring your friends!
Is Mise,
Mairin Johnston,
Secretary'.

IRELAND'S SOLDIERS REMEMBERED :
On Monday, April 11th last, the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass was offered in Leengatha, Victoria, Australia, for all those who died for Ireland.
The celebrant was Rev J McGuigan and the Mass was offered at the request of Henry McGuigan, formerly of County Armagh, and Toronto, Canada, and now resident in New York.
At his request also, the Holy Sacrifice of the Mass was offered in St Jude's Church, New York, on Wednesday, April 13th, for the republican prisoners. The celebrant was Rev J Flattery.
(END of 'New Choir' and 'Ireland's Soldiers Remembered' ; NEXT - 'Dunmanway Meetings', from the same source.)



ON THIS DATE (24TH FEBRUARY) 156 YEARS AGO : 'MEAGHER OF THE SWORD' RESIGNS HIS U.S. MILITARY POSITION.
'Does the world even have heroes like Ireland's Thomas Francis Meagher anymore? After fighting for Irish independence("I know of no country that has won its independence by accident"),then condemned to death, pardoned and exiled, Thomas Francis Meagher escaped to America,where he became a leader of the Irish community and commanded the Irish Brigade during the Civil War. General Meagher’s men fought valiantly at some of the most famous battles of the Civil War, including Antietam, Fredericksburg and Chancellorsville. After the war, Meagher served as Acting Governor of the Montana Territory. In 1867, Meagher disappeared on the Missouri River ; his body was never found...'(from the poster, pictured, left, sourced here.)
The defining day of the The Battle of Antietam/Battle of Sharpsburg was September 17th, 1862, which was the bloodiest day of not only the American Civil War but the bloodiest single day in all of American history. The battle took place between the town of Sharpsburg in Maryland and Antietam Creek, and it ended General Robert E. Lee's first invasion of a northern state, and was the first major battle in the American Civil War to take place on Union soil.
The combined tally of dead, wounded, and missing stands at 22,717 soldiers of which the Irish Brigade, under the command of Brigadier General Thomas Francis Meagher, who recruited soldiers from among Irish immigrants for the Union side, lost over 60% of its men in an area that came to be known as 'Bloody Lane'. We have previously mentioned Meagher's involvement in the Irish struggle on this blog (here and here , for instance) but, before he left these shores for America, he unveiled an Irish flag (which he had based on the French Tricolour) in his native city, Waterford, on the 7th March 1848, outside the Wolfe Tone Confederate Club.
On the 15th April, in 1848, on Abbey Street, in Dublin, he presented the flag to Irish citizens on behalf of himself and the 'Young Ireland' movement, with the following words :"I trust that the old country will not refuse this symbol of a new life from one of her youngest children. I need not explain its meaning. The quick and passionate intellect of the generation now springing into arms will catch it at a glance. The white in the centre signifies a lasting truce between the 'orange' and the 'green' and I trust that beneath its folds, the hands of the Irish Protestant and the Irish Catholic may be clasped in generous and heroic brotherhood..."
He was arrested by the British for his part in the 1848 Rising, accused of 'high treason' and sentenced to death ('...to be hanged, drawn and disemboweled..') but, while he was awaiting execution in Richmond Jail, this was changed by 'Royal Command' to transportation for life and in July 1849, at only 26 years of age, he was transported from Dun Laoghaire on the S.S. Swift to Tasmania.
Before he was deported, he spoke about the country and the flag he was leaving behind - "Daniel O'Connell preached a cause that we are bound to see out. He used to say 'I may not see what I have labored for, I am old, my arm is withered, no epitaph of victory may mark me, but I see a young generation with redder blood in their veins, and they will do the work.' Therefore it is that I ambition to decorate these hills with the flag of my country...."
In Tasmania he was considered, and rightly so, to be a political prisoner (a 'Ticket of Leave' inmate) which meant he could build his own 'cell' on a designated piece of land that he could farm provided he donated an agreed number of hours each week for State use.
In early 1852, Thomas Francis Meagher escaped and made his way to New Haven, in Connecticut, in America, and travelled from there to a hero's welcome in New York. This fine orator, newspaper writer, lawyer, revolutionary, Irish POW, soldier in the American civil war and acting Governor of Montana died on the 1st of July, 1867, at 44 years of age. Asked about his 'crimes', he replied -"Judged by the law of England, I know this 'crime' entails upon me the penalty of death ; but the history of Ireland explains that 'crime' and justifies it." And the reasons for such 'crimimal acts' still exist to this day.
However : on the 24th February, 1865 - 156 years ago on this date - Brigadier Thomas Francis Meagher was relieved of his command of the Irish Brigade under the instructions of Ulysses S. Grant ; the decades of turmoil were said to have affected the man to such an extent that he sometimes sought refuge in a bottle -'Not until February 24, 1865, did Thomas Francis Meagher resign from the Union army. Long before his resignation, the Irish Brigade had collapsed as a vehicle for Irish-American identity. During his tenure as both a recruiter for the Irish Brigade,and as the commanding officer, Thomas Francis Meagher became the cornerstone figure for the Irish unit, and through his speeches, he gave it significant political and social clout..'(link to PDF source here.)
"The glory of the old Irish nation, which in our hour will grow young and strong again. Should we fail, the country will not be worth more than it is now. The sword of famine is less sparing than the bayonet of the soldier..."Thomas Francis Meagher.


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Solicitor John Fahy said his client, Edward Moss, got £10,000 in an out-of-court settlement and was happy with that. There was no suggestion of being offered £15,000 not to make a complaint. Frank McBrearty Jnr and the other defendants in the case, staff members of Frankie's Niteclub, were all acquitted.
In the light of these events the McBreartys, together with opposition TD's(sic) Brendan Howlin and Jim Higgins, have repeatedly called on Justice Minister O'Donoghue and the government to hold a public inquiry into the events in Donegal - not just in Raphoe, but in the greater Donegal area, where allegations of corruption abound.
Since that time, the body of Mr Barron has been exhumed and examined by State Pathologist Dr John Harbison. His report indicates that Mr Barron died as a result of a hit-and-run. His findings have brought forth fresh demands for a public inquiry into the garda handling of the investigation of the death of Richie Barron and their dealings with the McBrearty family...(MORE LATER.)



'LICENSED TO KILL...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
Every self-respecting Protestant will condemn the outrages of the Orange Order ; every self-respecting Protestant will condemn the outrages of the 'B Specials' ; every self-respecting Protestant, North and South, will realise that the continuance of such outrages cannot but result in his(sic) being held up to world opinion as a barbarian, as a savage, than whom even the Chicago gangsters of years ago were no whit worse.
Let them, in God's name, join with us in demanding that the 'B Specials' must be disbanded. The 'B Specials' must go!
(END of 'Licensed To Kill' ; NEXT - 'IRA Not A Secret Society', from the same source.)
Thanks for reading, Sharon.






TAXES AND TITHES NOW IMPOSED BY A DIFFERENT 'BIG HOUSE'.

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ON THIS DATE (3RD MARCH) 11 YEARS AGO : HUNGER-STRIKING GREEN ISLE FOODS WORKER TOLD BY STATE REPRESENTATIVE TO 'GET OUT OF THE COUNTRY..'
Statement released on Wednesday, 3rd March 2010 - 11 years ago, on this date - by SIPTU:
History of Green Isle Foods dispute ; Workers in Green Isle Foods have embarked on a course of action not seen in Ireland for many years. Members of the Technical Engineering and Electrical Union (TEEU) have been left on the picket line for six months by their employer and the parent company, Northern Foods in Britain.
The basic facts ; in December 2008, a TEEU member opened a new icon on his computer entitled 'Boardroom'. He assumed it was an information bulletin. In fact it had been sent to him by mistake instead of to a senior member of management with a similar name. He did not pay much attention to the contents until a file appeared on the site in March 2009 containing restructuring proposals that involved making six TEEU members redundant.
The engineer showed his manager the file and shared the information with a number of fellow employees. When the company realised its error it insisted that all employees who may have accessed the 'Boardroom' folder sign a document confirming that they had done so and accepting it was a serious disciplinary offence for which they faced dismissal.
The members asked their union for advice. When the TEEU sought to represent them the company refused to entertain the union. The men were suspended on full pay, while Green Isle Foods applied to the High Court for an order seeking full disclosure from the employees along with exemplary damages for breach of contract, confidentiality, interfering with the company's business and all legal costs - including interest.
The TEEU represented the men in court and after hearing the evidence Judge Mary Laffoy recommended that the parties agree a mutually acceptable process for resolving the problem. An agreement was reached by which all suspensions were lifted, the men returned to work and they agreed to co-operate with the company investigation. The investigation dragged on from early April until mid June 2009. Eamon Devoy, General Secretary Designate of the TEEU, eventually wrote to the company on June 17th, asking that the inquiry into 'Boardroom' be wound up because of the stress it was causing employees.
Instead, the company said it had begun what it claimed was a second investigation, wholly unrelated to the first, on the previous day, June 16th, into the storage of inappropriate emails on PCs. On June 18th it also issued the findings of its first investigation. This found the company IT systems were not secure or properly monitored. There was no evidence to suggest information from the 'Boardroom' folder had been given to anyone outside the company. Meanwhile, the company pursued its second investigation without any involvement from the TEEU, whose members refused to engage in the new process without union representation. The same individuals were investigated as in the 'Boardroom' inquiry and, while it remains unclear if this investigation was ever concluded, the men were dismissed at the end of what had proven a very secretive process, on July 10th,2009. Their appeals were rejected on July 31st. The company rejected an offer by the Labour Relations Commission to intervene.
Having failed to find some means of resolving the dispute through negotiation, mediation and dialogue, the TEEU served strike notice on Green Isle Foods. The response of the company was to bring in strike breakers, who were in place even before pickets were mounted at the end of August 2009.
Meanwhile, the other TEEU members, whose positions had been identified as redundant in the 'Boardroom' file, received satisfactory redundancy settlements. The crucial difference was that they were employees of ESS, a subcontractor on the Green Isle Foods site which recognises unions. Green Isle Foods has sought to portray the dispute as one involving the downloading of pornographic (material) from the internet, but in fact the Green Isle Foods system does not allow employees access to the internet, let alone the ability to download material. In the case of two TEEU members who were dismissed, they opened unsolicited emails which had nothing to suggest the material was inappropriate. In one case the man was dismissed for failing to delete the email subsequently from his in-box although he did not show it to anyone else. The source of the unsolicited emails has never been identified by the company.
The third employee was dismissed because he brought a memory stick to work with film and video game material on it which was not pornographic images, but which the company claimed could breach copyright law if used on its equipment. After being on the picket line for over four months the TEEU referred the dispute to the Labour Court. The Court heard the case on December 4th, 2009. The company refused to attend, saying it did not recognise unions and therefore the Labour Court was an inappropriate forum to resolve the dispute. Nevertheless it was represented at the hearing by IBEC. The Court issued a recommendation on December 8th, 2009, stating it was satisfied the dismissals were unjustified, that there should be an immediate return to work, full reinstatement of the men and compensation for loss of earnings. In the event that this was not acceptable to the two sides the Court recommended that they should agree, through a third party if necessary, on a compensation package for the men.
When the company rejected this proposal the Court recommended, on January 5th, 2010, that the sacked men receive €40,000, €60,000 and €80,000 respectively, reflecting their lengths of service (seven, 10 and 16 years), if they were not reinstated as previously recommended.
When the company continued to ignore the Labour Court recommendations, the shop stewards, Jim Wyse and Declan Shannon, requested meetings with the company locally to resolve the dispute through direct talks. They even offered to negotiate on the Labour Court terms. Management met them briefly for a few minutes on three occasions over four weeks but did not even bother to make a note of the men's proposals before rejecting them.
It was after this final rebuff that the workers decided to adopt a hunger strike strategy. They had spent six months on the picket line during the worst winter weather for 40 years and their families were experiencing extreme economic hardship. They felt it was the last means available to bring pressure to bear on a company that was impervious to all the normal rules of industrial relations or common decency.
Jim Wyse became the first hunger striker on February 17th. He volunteered to go first because it was his suggestion. John Guinan joined him on February 24th. John Recto joined the Green Isle Foods hunger strike on March 3rd, 2010.
Some hours before he joined Jim Wyse and John Guinan on hunger strike, John Recto was asked to call into Naas Garda Station, where he was informed that his work visa has been revoked. He was told he has until March 8th to leave the country. He is from the Philippines and has been working at Green Isle Foods for the past three years. His wife and three children, aged six, seven and one year old, are living with him in Naas. His youngest child was born in Ireland.
End of SIPTU statement.
To acertain extent, this is the fault of those that work for a wage and the overall Trade Union movement. All involved with this blog work outside (and inside) the home, for a wage, and are union members : in recent years - before the economic hardships imposed on us by Covid restrictions - we had been financially victimised by been forced to pay higher direct and indirect ('stealth') taxes, have seen our terms and conditions in the workplace suffer and most of us have had the value of our take-home pay reduced because of those direct and indirect taxes.
And we are still expected to work the same number of hours (39, in our case) that we worked before those deductions were forced on us at source. All this because the greedy, incompetent and useless political wasters in Leinster House need billions of Euro to bail-out their business, banking and property-speculating colleagues, who are equally just as greedy, incompetent and useless.
It is as much the fault of the Trade Union movement because they have become 'soft' and over-friendly with both groups of useless wasters mentioned above : in truth , the Trade Union leadership have more in common - and not only in relation to the money they 'earn' - with those two groups in that they lack the moral courage to stand-by their (stated) convictions and alleged intention - to protect that what we already have, in the workplace, and to seek to improve conditions for the working class.
We, the tax-paying working class, have been sold out four times over- by ourselves, for not only not whole-heartedly fighting back but for not actually leaving blood on the streets in our attempt to do so, by the self-serving and (pension-)time-serving millionaire politicians in this State, by the business owners, bosses and management and, finally, by 'our' trade union movement, who have shown that, once bought, they stay bought.
We should be thoroughly ashamed of ourselves.
('1169' comment ; after 15 days on hunger-strike, the issue was settled. Some details here.)



'DUNMANWAY MEETINGS.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

In spite of very inclement weather, representatives of the Cork Comhairle Ceanntair, Sinn Féin, addressed a public meeting in the Square, Dunmanway, County Cork, on Saturday night, April 7th last. Liam Earley, D Mac Cionnaith and Jim O'Regan spoke, while P O Cuanachain presided.
All were warmly applauded by the listeners who requested that another meeting be held the following Sunday night at the conclusion of the mission, as it was felt that a lot more could have been present but for the condition of the weather.
The second meeting was held outside the church on Sunday night, April 15th last. A large crowd was present and applauded the speakers - Liam Earley, D Mac Cionnaith, Michael McCarthy, Jim O'Regan and Seán O Murchu. Dr Smith M.O., Dunmanway, presided at that meeting, at the conclusion of which a number of names were handed in for membership of various republican organisations. Collections for the Northern Election Fund were taken up at both meetings.
(END of 'Dunmanway Meetings' ; NEXT - 'The Two-Nations Theory', from the same source.)



ON THIS DATE (3RD MARCH) 190 YEARS AGO : 'RELIGIOUS TAX' UPRISING IN IRELAND.
"The only difference between a tax man and a taxidermist is that the taxidermist leaves the skin..."- Mark Twain.
On the 3rd March, 1831 - 190 years ago on this date - 120 members of the British-imposed 'Irish Constabulary'('Yeomanry') took over a farm in Graiguenamanagh, County Kilkenny, which belonged to a Catholic priest.
The objective of these 'peace keepers' was to take ownership of all the cattle on the farm, as their paymaster in Westminster had decreed that it now 'owned' the animals in lieu of monies 'owed' to it under their 'Tithe' system.
A member of clergy from the Protestant religion in Graiguenamanagh objected vehemently to the local Catholic priest having 'taken ownership' of his neighbours cattle thereby, as he seen it, doing him out of his 'tithe/tax payment' from those neighbours, so the clergy man demanded 'his' money from the Catholic priest, but this 'Order' was not acted on by the priest, so the clergyman arranged for his horse to be taken instead. This outraged the priest and his neighbours and resulted in tenants, labourers and other small farmers in the area also refusing to hand over 'taxes due'.
The local 'law' and its 'police officers' intervened and moved onto and into the property where the priest was living and seized/stole as many cattle as they could but, by then, the locals had gathered at the farm to stop them or at least hinder their progress, which they did. Also, when the seized/stolen animals were sent to auction, the event was boycotted and/or disrupted by the proper owners of the animals.
The imposed tithes/taxes were compulsory and were to be paid in money and/or goods, including livestock('..one-tenth part of one's income, in kind or money..') with all financial benefits to go to the Protestant 'Church of Ireland' which, considering that the vast majority of those that were deemed liable by Westminster for that tax were not of that particular religion, caused deep resentment in Ireland, and rightly so ; the clergymen and their church were mostly hostile to practising Catholics, who were expected to finance their hostility!
And actuality, today, only the 'Master' has changed : we now have tithes/taxes stopped at source on us by those in the 'Big House' in Kildare Street, in Dublin, who have shown, over and over again, that they are hostile to the needs of the working class, the unemployed, and the homeless.
Vive La Différence, to be sure...


'IN THE NAME OF THE LAW...'
Confidence in the Garda Siochana continues to erode as more incidents of questionable Garda 'evidence' emerge.
By Sandra Mara.
From 'The Magill Annual', 2002.
Two people believed to have been eyewitnesses to the incident in which in which Mr Barron died gave statements to the Carty Inquiry.
Meanwhile, the way has been cleared by the High Court for the McBrearty family to take an action to compel Garda Commissioner Pat Byrne to investigate allegations of garda perjury by members of the Donegal force.
The eventual cost to the State in relation to the Donegal saga is expected to run into millions.
(END of 'In The Name Of The Law' ; NEXT - 'No Right Of Appeal', from the same source.)



'IRA NOT A SECRET SOCIETY.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
In January, 1934, a little booklet containing the constitution of the Irish Republican Army was published.
In a foreword to that publication, the Army Council stated -"The enemies of the Republic have long represented Óglaigh na h-Éireann as being a 'secret society', while in fact there never was any secrecy as to its aims and objects or as to the control of the organisation. As will be seen, the control and leadership are elected on the most democratic methods..."
The booklet was promptly banned by De Valera's government and people were thus prevented from learning the truth about the Army. The result is that even to this day, many people still believe that the Army is a secret society. The objects of the Army as set out in the constitution are -
(1) To guard the honour and uphold the sovereignty and unity of the Republic of Ireland*.
(2) To establish and uphold a lawful government in sole and absolute control of the Republic.
(3) To secure and defend civil and religious liberty and equal rights and equal opportunities for all citizens.
(4) To promote the revival of the Irish language as the everyday language of the people, and to promote the development of the best mental and physical characteristics of our race.
The means by which Óglaigh na h-Éireann shall endeavour to achieve its objects are -
(1) Force of arms.
(2) Organising, training and equipping the manhood of Ireland as an efficient military force.
(3) Assisting, as directed by the Army Authority, all organisations working for the same objects.
(*The 'Republic of Ireland' as in the 32-County Republic, not the 26-County Free State entity.)
(END of 'IRA Not A Secret Society' ; NEXT - 'Our Stewardship', from the same source.)
Thanks for reading, Sharon.






VAN DIEMEN'S LAND AND THE NIGHTINGALE.

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ON THIS DATE (10TH MARCH) 243 YEARS AGO : 'DARLING OF ERIN' BAPTISED IN DUBLIN.
Robert Emmet was born on the 4th March, 1778, a son of Dr Robert Emmet and Elizabeth Mason. His father served as state physician to the vice-regal household but was a social reformer who believed that in order to achieve the emancipation of the Irish people it was first necessary to break the link with England.
He was baptised on March 10th(1778 - 243 years ago on this date) in St Peter's Church of Ireland in Aungier Street, Dublin and attended Oswald's School in Dropping Court, off Golden Lane, Dublin. From there he went to Samuel Whytes School in Grafton Street, quite near his home, and later to the school of the Reverend Mr Lewis in Camden Street. He entered Trinity College, Dublin, in October 1793 at the age of fifteen and a half where he practiced his oratorical skills in the Historical and Debating Societies. One of his friends at TCD was the poet Thomas Moore.
There were four branches of the 'United Irishmen' in TCD and Robert Emmet was secretary of one of them but, after an inquisition, presided over by Lord Chancellor Fitzgibbon, Emmet became one of nineteen students who were expelled for United Irishmen activity. Although not active in the 1798 Rising, Robert Emmet was well known to the British authorities and by April 1799, when Habeas Corpus had been suspended, there was a warrant issued for his arrest, which he managed to evade and, early in 1801, accompanied by a Mr Malachy Delany of Cork, he travelled throughout Europe, and made Paris his headquarters - it was there that he replaced Edward Lewis as the liaison officer between Irish and French Republicans.
While in Paris, Emmet learned about rockets and weapons, and studied a two-volume treatise by a Colonel Tempelhoff which can be examined in the Royal Irish Academy, with the marginal notes given the reader some insight into Emmet's thinking. Following the signing of the 'Peace of Amiens' by France and England in March 1802 the United Irishmen that were being held as prisoners in Fort George were released and many such as Thomas Russell and Thomas Addis Emmet made there way to Paris. Emmet returned to Ireland in October 1802 and began to plan for a rising and in March 1803, at a meeting in Corbet's Hotel, 105 Capel Street, Dublin, Emmet briefed his key organisers.
In April 1803 Emmet rented an isolated house in Butterfield Lane in Rathfarnham as a new base of operations and Michael Dwyer, a 1798 veteran, suggested his young niece as a suitable candidate to play the role of the 'housekeeper'. Born in or around the year 1778, Ann Devlin soon became Robert Emmet's trusted helper and served him loyally in the months ahead. Shortly afterwards he leased a premises at Marshalsea Lane, off Thomas Street, Dublin, and set up an arms depot there.
Arms depots were established in Dublin for the manufacture and storage of weapons for the incipient rising. Former soldiers mixed their practical skills with the scientific knowledge that Robert Emmet had acquired on the continent, and an innovative rocket device was produced. Elaborate plans were drawn up to take the city and in particular Dublin Castle : supporters from the surrounding counties of Kildare, Wicklow and even Wexford were pledged to assist. Emmet bided his time, waiting for an opportune moment when English troops would be withdrawn to serve in the renewed war in France, but his hand was forced when a premature explosion on the evening of July 16, 1803, at the Patrick Street depot, caused the death of John Keenan. Though there was no obvious wide scale search or arrest operation by the British following the explosion, the leadership of the movement decided to set July 23, 1803 (the following Saturday) as the date for the rising. Emmet hoped that success in Dublin would inspire other counties to follow suit.
Patrick M. Geoghegan, in a recent publication, says that"..the plan for taking Dublin was breathtaking in its precision and audacity. It was nothing less that a blueprint for a dramatic coup d'état. Indeed, over a century later, Pearse and Clarke would also refer to the plan for their own rising.."
Emmet's plan depended on two factors - arms and men and, as Geoghegan states, when the time came, Robert Emmet had not enough of either - events went dramatically wrong for him. On the appointed day his plans began to unravel ; Michael Dwyer and his promised 300 men did not get the word until Sunday July 24th and, the previous day, an excess of men had moved in to Dublin from Kildare and could not be concealed in the existing depots so they spread out around the city pubs and some started drinking. Others, after inspecting the existing arsenal and finding many pikes but few muskets or blunderbusses, went home unimpressed.
Because he had alerted other countries and still had the element of surprise, Emmet decided not to postpone the Rising thus, shortly after seven o' clock on Saturday July 23rd, 1803, Robert Emmet in his green and gold uniform stood in the Thomas Street, Dublin, depot and, to the assembled rebels, read out his proclamation, declaring that the Irish nation was about to assert itself in arms against foreign rule. But again events conspired to thwart the rebels - coaches commissioned for the attack on Dublin Castle were lost and erroneous information supplied that encouraged pre-emptive strikes, meant that confusion reigned. Also, the novel rocket signals failed to detonate.
Emmet's own forces, who were to have taken the Castle, dwindled away and, throughout the remainder of that evening, there were skirmishes at Thomas Street and the Coombe Barracks but he decided to terminate operations and leave the city. For the English Army, which included Daniel O' Connell, it was then merely a mopping-up operation : in the aftermath, the English arrested and tortured Anne Devlin, even offering her the enormous sum of £500 to betray Robert Emmet - she refused.
Emmet himself took refuge in the Harold's Cross area of Dublin, during which he met with his mother and Sarah Curran but, on Thursday August 25th, 1803, he was finally arrested. It has been stated by others that a £1000 reward was paid by Dublin Castle to an informer, for supplying the information which led to his capture. Robert Emmet's misfortunes did not stop on his arrest : he had the misfortune to be defended by one Leonard McNally who was trusted by the United Irishmen.
However, after McNally's death in 1820 it transpired that he was a highly paid government agent and, in his role as an informer, that he had encouraged young men to join the rebels, betrayed them to Dublin Castle and would then collect fees from the United Irishmen to 'defend' those same rebels in court!
Emmet was tried before a 'Special Commission' in Green Street Court House in Dublin on September 19th, 1803. The 'trial' lasted all day and by 9.30pm he was pronounced guilty ; asked for his reaction, he delivered a speech which still inspires today. He closed by saying that he cared not for the opinion of the court but for the opinion of the future -"..when other times and other men can do justice to my character.." Robert Emmet was publicly executed on Tuesday September 20th outside St Catherine's Church in Dublin's Thomas Street.
The final comment on the value of Robert Emmet's Rising must go to Séan Ó Brádaigh, who states that to speak of Emmet in terms of failure alone is to do him a grave injustice. He and the men and women of 1798 and 1803 and, indeed, those that went before them, set a course for the Irish nation, with their appeal to Protestant, Catholic and Dissenter under the common name of 'Irishman', which profoundly affected Irish life for more than two centuries and which will, we trust, eventually bear abundant fruit.
Finally, it was not only college-educated men and women like Robert Emmet (ie those who might be perceived as being 'upper class') who decided to challenge Westminster's interference in Irish affairs in 1803 : so-called 'working class' men and women also acknowledged the need for such resistance - Edward Kearney, carpenter, hanged, Thomas St / Owen Kirwin, tailor, hanged, Thomas St, September 1st 1803 / Maxwell Roche, slator, hanged, Thomas St, September 2nd 1803 / Denis Lambert Redmond, coal facer, hanged, Coalquay (Woodquay) Dublin, / John Killeen, carpenter, hanged, Thomas St, September 10th 1803 / John McCann, shoemaker, hanged at his own doorstep, Thomas St, September 10th 1803 / Felix Rourke, farm labourer, hanged, Rathcoole, Dublin, September 10th 1803 / Thomas Keenan, carpenter, hanged, Thomas St, September 11th 1803 / John Hayes, carpenter, hanged, Thomas St, September 17th 1803 / Michael Kelly, carpenter, hanged, Thomas St, September 17th 1803 / James Byrne, baker, hanged, Townsend St, Dublin, September 17th 1803 / John Begg, tailor, hanged, Palmerstown, Dublin, September 17th 1803 / Nicholas Tyrrell, factory worker, hanged, Palmerstown, Dublin, September 17th 1803 / Henry Howley, carpenter, hanged, Kilmainham Jail, Dublin, September 20th 1803 / John McIntoch, carpenter, hanged, Patrick St, Dublin, October 3rd 1803 - there are dozens more we could list here, but suffice to say that 'class' alone was not then, nor is it now, a deciding factor in challenging British military and political interference in this country. 'Justice' is the deciding factor in that equation.



'THE TWO-NATIONS THEORY.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

A Favourite Weapon -
When a strong nation is engaged in holding a weaker one in subjection, two arguments are always advanced to obscure the true facts of the situation. One argument is that the subject country cannot rightly be regarded as a nation at all. The other argument, closely related to the first, is that the subject country is not one but two or more nations which would fly at one another's throats were it not for the impartial and unifying influence of outside government.
It was thus that Russia justified her subjection of Finland and the Baltic nations, that Germany justified her subjection of the Poles, Austria her subjection of Bohemia, and Great Britain her subjection of Ireland.
When the subject people were quiescent it suited the conqueror to stress the first argument ; the second argument was always available when national forces became too explosive to be denied.
Specious Argument -
Both arguments have been used from time to time against the national claims of Ireland, but the first is not presently in vogue. The opponents of Irish nationalism now fall back on the second argument, that Ireland is not one but two nations, and that the Six Counties, at present within the jurisdiction of the Belfast Parliament, are a homogeneous community differing in race, religion, temperament and outlook from the people of the Twenty-Six Counties...
(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (10TH MARCH) 368 YEARS AGO : IRISH 'LAND OWNER' BUTCHERED BY THE BRITISH.
On the 10th March, 1653(368 years ago on this date) an Irish 'landowner', Phelim O'Neill, was butchered in Dublin as per Cromwell's orders : he was hung, disembowelled and quartered, after being accused of being a traitor.
He had previously voiced his discontent at the high number of British settlers on Irish land, despite the fact that he was a 'settler' himself - due to his service to the British crown, he was told he could 'maintain his Estates' in the County Tyrone area of Ireland but, after the 'Flight of the Earls', British-'owned' land in Ireland was re-distributed and even harsher 'laws' were forced on the remaining Catholic population. O'Neill and other 'landowners' objected, to no avail, and in 1641 they organised themselves as best they could to militarily challenge the new scenario -
'Events came to a head in 1641 when the Scottish Covenanters and English Long Parliament threatened to subdue Catholism in Ireland by invasion. Phelim O'Neill and several Catholic leaders in Ulster decided to seize Dublin and other important towns in Ireland, after which they planned to demand full rights for Catholics and Irish self government. O'Neill was to capture English forts and towns in Ulster, Dublin was to be taken by the Maguire's and the MacMahons in which they were unsuccessful...O'Neill's army was largely drawn from the peasantry, the large majority of whom had recently been disposed.
Phelim O'Neill assisted by Rory O'Moore made their way towards Dublin, defeating the government forces at Julianstown, but failed to capture Droheda. By early 1642 the rebellion had spread to all of Ireland, with the British holding Dublin, Cork and Derry, Charles I dispatched a large army to Ireland which was followed by the outbreak of The English Civil War, in which Oliver Cromwell emerged victorious.
In 1648...Phelim favoured a deal with Charles I and the Royalists seeing it as a means of defeating The Scottish Covenanters and The English Parliamentary forces... Cromwell emerged victorious in The English Civil War, his New Model Army was well trained and equipped...they landed at Dublin and proceeded to ruthlessly crush opposition wherever it was found. The Ulster Army was routed at the battle of Scarrifholis in 1650, Phelim O'Neill escaped the battle but was destined to be a fugitive the rest of his life. Anxious to prevent another rebellion in Ireland Cromwell announced that anyone implicated in The 1641 rebellion...was to be executed. Phelim O'Neill was cited as a ringleader in the Cromwellian Act for the Settlement of Ireland 1652, he was captured on 4th February 1653 and executed on the 10th March, 1653...'(...more here.)
He 'inherited' large estates after his father and grandfather were killed "fighting in the King's service"(he was only five years young when his father was killed) and was raised as a 'royal ward' and, as an adult, purchased a knighthood. A 'poacher-turned-gamekeeper' in reverse, if you like...


NO RIGHT OF APPEAL.

Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.
By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
A strange thing happened eighteen months ago when a small group of railway workers did what trade unionists have been at since the age of the Tolpuddle Martyrs and went on strike.
The demands were appalling ; they were looking for more pay, increased safety reviews and better safety training but, by the time the media furore had ceased, the man on the street would be excused for thinking the Irish Locomotive Drivers Association (ILDA) was an acronym of 'RIRA'. The roars of some of the FF/PD government's useful idiots was understandable. However, as Fintan O'Toole belaboured the misfortunate train drivers on the grounds that they were ruining little boys' dreams of becoming train drivers, it was evident that something odd was at play.
Essentially, the Irish media's knickers were showing ; iconoclast, socialist and radical conservative were revealed as being one and the same. All were exposed as being subscribers to that bland petit bourgeois school of conservatism which has forever dogged the history of our country. That philosophy runs something like this - where anything which affected their lives, such as the non-running of the Dart or the danger to their tax cuts/share portfolios posed by inconvenient pay demands, was an attack upon the State itself...
(MORE LATER.)



'OUR STEWARDSHIP.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
Just seven years ago, a little collecting card headed'An t-Éireannach Aontuighthe' was issued bearing this appeal -
'Funds are urgently needed to launch the newspaper, the policy of which shall be ;
1) To expound republicanism, separatism, self-reliance and unity among all Irishmen(sic).
2) To dispel the clouds of apathy which engulf the traditional love and enthusiasm for freedom and justice.
3) To comment honestly and report truthfully on all important events at home and abroad.
4) To foster the Gaelic Language and all branches of Gaelic culture.'
Funds were indeed urgently needed, and to that appeal there came the response of 'the few men(sic) faithful' to the cause of separatism and the belief in the right and ability of the people of Ireland to manage the affairs of Ireland. It was a lean time for the Irish men and women who had a mind to be Gaelic and free, many of them all over the country had not long been released from the various jails.
In fact, there were some in Crumlin Road in Belfast still, and others were bent and crushed by the continuous campaign against them by three governments 'in the interests of law and order', during the second world war. The newspaper was launched by this few gathered together ; there was little money, little support, little encouragement, but a great lot of spirit and will...
(MORE LATER.)


UNDER THE BRITISH JACKBOOT IN VAN DIEMEN'S LAND.
'The horrors of colonialism are sung without mercy in 'The Nightingale' :
'The Nightingale' is set in Tasmania in the 1820s, at the peak of the conflict between British colonizers and Aboriginal Australians. But there’s a third group alongside them: European convicts who have been deported to Australia for their crimes. This is where we meet Clare Carroll, an Irish convict living in a forest shed with her husband and a newborn baby.
Clare is eager to receive the papers that would finally grant her family official pardon, but the papers are being held by Lieutenant Hawkins, a British officer who views Clare as his property and sex slave. From the first shot of Clare walking through the woods with the infant on one arm and a homemade blade in hand, we understand we are going to be witnessing something violent and unsettling...'(from here.)
As I said recently on 'Facebook' and 'Twitter' -'Last week, myself and the Girl Gang had a film recommended to us, so we (temporarily!) farmed-out the kids and the grandkids and banished the menfolk (again, only temporarily!). We found the film on 'Netflix' and we'd recommend that anyone with a social conscience and an interest in politics to watch it : it's not for young eyes, as it contains (political) violence. It's about the Irish and the Aborigines in Tasmania, under British occupation. Recommended viewing, 10 out of 10...'
Do whatever you have to do to give yourself two hours and fifteen minutes to watch this film ; it's violent, it's bloody, it's heartbreaking. As is British occupation and imperialism. But, if you want to know where Irish republicanism comes from, this film will help in that regard.
Thanks for reading, Sharon.






"ENTERTAINMENT FIXTURES POSTPONED" - IRA, 1923.

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ST. PATRICKS DAY 1858 AND THE IRISH STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM.
Joseph Denieffe (pictured), one of the founders of the 'Irish Republican Brotherhood'.
Born in Kilkenny City in 1833, Joseph Denieffe grew up to become a tailor by trade ; still in his early teens, he witnessed Daniel O'Connell's campaign for the 'Repeal of the Act of Union' and would have been just ten years young when approximately one million people assembled at what was known in its day as a "Monster Meeting" at the Royal Hill of Tara in County Meath on 15th August 1843.
The young Joseph Denieffe would have heard, on that day, the speech delivered to that vast crowd by Daniel O'Connell, who stated -"We are at Tara of the Kings - the spot from which emanated the social power, the legal authority, the right to dominion over the furthest extremes of the land. The strength and majority of the national movement was never exhibited so imposingly as at this great meeting. The numbers exceed any that ever before congregated in Ireland in peace or war. It is a sight not grand alone but appalling - not exciting merely pride but fear. Step by step we are approaching the great goal of Repeal of the Union, but it is at length with the strides of a giant."
Imagine the scene as a ten-years-young child must have seen it : shoulder-to-shoulder with people packed together as far as a child could see ; one-million people, defiantly cheering and clapping at a lone figure on a wooden platform as he shook his fist and shouted rebelliously in the direction of Westminster.
It was a day that was to have a life-long effect on young Joseph Denieffe, and thousands of other young boys and girls, and men and women. When he was twelve years young, Joseph Denieffe would have witnessed the attempted genocide of his people(1845 - 1849) when an estimated one million people died on the land and another one million people emigrated in 'coffin ships'. He would have noticed how Daniel O'Connell and the other career politicians did not suffer, how the Church leaders would bless the dead and pray for the dying before retiring to their big house for a meal, after which they would sleep contently in a warm bed. And a million people died around them.
Others noticed that injustice, too. William Smith O'Brien, a follower of Daniel O'Connell's, was one of the many who had grown impatient ; he helped to establish the 'Young Ireland' group, with the intention of organising an armed rising against the British. Joseph Denieffe joined the 'Young Ireland' group in 1847(the year of its formation) - he was fourteen years young. He worked with William Smith O'Brien (who, as an 'English Gentleman', was an unusual Irish rebel - he had been educated at Harrow, had a fine English accent and actually sat in Westminster Parliament for a good few years!) and others for the following four years when, at eighteen years of age (in 1851), the economics of the day dictated emigration.
He ended up in New York, and contacted a number of Irish Fenians in that city, including John O'Mahony and Michael Doheny. When he was twenty-two years young in 1855, he assisted in the establishment of an Irish Republican group in America - the 'Emmet Monument Association' - which sought to raise an army to force England out of Ireland. The 'Emmet Monument Association' decided to send Joseph Denieffe back to Ireland to organise a branch of the 'Emmet Monument Association' there ; by 1856, a small, active branch of the Association was up and running in County Kilkenny.
Its membership included such well-known Irish rebels as Thomas Clark Luby, Peter Langan and Philip Grey. On hearing of the establishment of the 'Emmet Monument Association' in Ireland and America, another Irish rebel, James Stephens, returned to Ireland.
James Stephens had taken part in military action against the British in 1848, with William Smith O'Brien, in the town of Ballingarry in Tipperary, and had fled to Paris to escape an English jail sentence, or worse. He returned to Ireland and, by 1857, had set-up a branch of the Emmet Monument Association in Dublin. The leadership of the Emmet Monument Association in America, John O'Mahony and Michael Doheny, then sent one of their most trusted men - Owen Considine - to Ireland to assist in organising a fighting-force in the country.
In December 1857 , Joseph Denieffe returned to America on a fund-raising mission ; he stayed there until about March in 1858 and , having raised eighty pounds - a good sum of money in those days - he came back to Ireland. On St Patricks Day that year (17th March, 1858 - 163 years ago, on this date), Joseph Denieffe made his next move.
Joseph Denieffe, Thomas Clark Luby(pictured) and James Stephens met, as arranged, on St. Patricks Day in 1858 ; the three Irish rebels then founded the 'Irish Republican Brotherhood', a military organisation whose aim was to overthrow British mis-rule in Ireland. The oath taken by members stated -'I...do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that I will do my utmost, at every risk, while life lasts, to make Ireland an independent Democratic Republic ; that I will yield implicit obedience, in all things not contrary to the law of God, to the commands of my superior officers ; and that I shall preserve inviolable secrecy regarding all the transactions of this secret society that may be confided in me. So help me God! Amen.'
The following day, Joseph Denieffe returned to America to continue his fund-raising activities - but political trouble was brewing in America, too. Talk, and fear, of a civil war was everywhere. To make matters worse for Joseph Denieffe's fund-raising efforts, James Stephens and John O'Mahony had fallen-out over the direction that armed resistence to the English was going. America was now home to literally millions of Irish men and women who had been forced to leave Ireland because of British interference and the so-called 'Great Hunger' yet, as far as James Stephens was concerned, John O'Mahony and the American leadership had failed to harness the support amongst the Irish for an armed campaign against the British.
James Stephens accused John O'Mahony and his people in America of being"..Irish tinsel patriots (who make) speeches of bayonets, gala days and jolly nights, banners and sashes, bunkum and filibustering, responding in glowing language to glowing toasts on Irish National Independence over beakers of fizzling champagne...". It was in the middle of the above turmoil that Joseph Denieffe found himself in America in the early 1860's .
Fund-raising in those circumstances was not possible, but he stayed in that country, perhaps hoping that, when things settled down, he could organise his business.
Joseph Denieffe never 'lost the faith'; he was now living in Chicago and was in his early thirtys. He continued his work for Irish freedom, even though the immediate momentum had been lost. He stayed in America, spreading the word and building contacts for the Irish Republican cause. In 1904, at seventy-one years of age, he wrote a number of articles for the New York newspaper, 'The Gael' ; those articles were later published as a book, entitled 'A Personal Narrative of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood' (link here) , and is a fantastic read for those interested in the history of the on-going struggle for full Irish freedom.
At 77 years of age, Joseph Denieffe died in Chicago, on 20th April, 1910. He gave sixty-three years of his life to the Irish cause, working for the most part either in the background or underground, never seeking the limelight. He is not as well-known as he should be but, like all true Irish republicans, his objective was to promote and further the Irish cause, not himself.
"This land of mine, the old man said,
will be alive when we are dead.
My fathers words still ring divine -
"God Bless this lovely land of mine."



'THE TWO-NATIONS THEORY...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

The Belfast Parliament is held to be at once the result and the evidence of the separate national consciousness of the Six Counties.
The differences of race, religion and character inevitably led to a separate parliament ; the separate parliament is in itself conclusive proof of a distinct national consciousness. So the argument runs, resting on nothing more substantial than mere exparte assertions unsupported by any real evidence.
Those who use the argument rely on the ignorance of outsiders for its acceptance but, in their own innermost hearts, they know it to be unsound. The Belfast Parliament did not come into existence, as 'National Parliaments' have always done, in response to forces persistently demanding expression in that parliament.
In fact, it came into existence at a time when the 'right' of Great Britain to legislate for Ireland was being contested by the vast majority of the Irish people, including 450,000 now unwillingly held within the jurisdiction of the Belfast Parliament...(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (17TH MARCH) 98 YEARS AGO - DUBLIN, 1923 : IRA INSTRUCTION RE ENTERTAINMENT EVENTS.
An international boxing match between two well known pugilists, Louis Mbarick Fall(...aka 'The Battling Siki') and Clare man Mike McTigue went ahead in Dublin on St. Patrick's Day, 1923, in the La Scala Theatre, despite the fact that the IRA had instructed that all such entertainment features be postponed, as a mark of respect for those butchered in County Kerry by the Free Staters during what became known as 'the terror month'-
'With the political situation still white-hot, the Republicans became determined to ensure that the bout never took place. On the morning of the fight, McTigue received a death threat at his Spa Hotel in Lucan stating he would be hung if he entered the ring. In response to the threat, the government(Dublin administration) sent a fleet of armoured cars to Lucan, putting McTigue under armed guard until he was in the ring. Battling Siki, who had been very curious about the damage caused by the civil war was also afforded an armed escort from the Claremont Hotel.
Later in the day, a bomb was placed in a trash can on O’Connell Street (the scene for most of the fighting during the Easter Rising) in Dublin city centre just adjacent to the La Scala Theatre, where the fight would take place. The bomb did not detonate, and it is believed the would-be bomber may have taken the detonation cord out of the device...the Republicans, knowing that they couldn’t get close enough, decided to lay a mine over the electric cables that they thought fed the La Scala.
The bomb went off at the back of the Pillar Picture House a few hundred yards from the La Scala (and) the explosion caused two large doors into the theatre to cave in while the lights remained on — the bombers had located the wrong cables...'(from here.)
The Irish boxer eventually won, on points, after a staggering 20 rounds(!) and Siki returned to America, feeling disgraced and angry with himself. He hit the bottle and made a name for himself in Hell's Kitchen, in New York, where he lived for a few years, but it wasn't a good name - the drink led to him being stabbed in a pub fight and being repeatedly jailed for his drunken behaviour.
Two years after his Irish fight he used a knife on a cop and proceedings were enacted to deport him back to his home country of Senegal but, before that case was settled he was shot to death on a New York street.
From street violence in Dublin to street violence in New York ; a troubled man who was his own worse enemy.


NO RIGHT OF APPEAL...

Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.
By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
Not to worry ; the 'Irish Locomotive Drivers Association' (ILDA) were starved back to work. 'Social Partnership' and the State-sponsored wing of Irish trade-unionism had been preserved.
It was time to return to writing about the key issues of the day, such as how the young gentleman around town was now wealthy enough to be able to afford a Burberry jacket. On one level there was nothing unique about the ILDA furore ; Irish journalism has always been susceptible to the vice of consensus. It may well have been the Freudian version of the 'disunited State' of the territory, a way to recover from the psychic wound of the Six Counties, but in times of crisis we could depend on our patriotic commentators to fully support cuts in housing, hospitals and education, and to rubbish any foolish notions about huge levels of tax evasion -
"Ansbacher, Ma'am? Never heard of it. And sorry to hear about your husband's cancer. Those hospital closures are terrible of course. Must look into it sometime..."
It is true that Irish journalism was not always so tame. In the time of the last real economic depression, the 'national unity' school of journalism was in well-deserved decline as a few outstanding vocational journalists went about the tasks of mocking the powerful and digging out the odd grubby fact about house extensions...(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (17TH MARCH) 46 YEARS AGO : IRA PRISONER SHOT DEAD BY FREE STATE ARMY GUNMAN.
IRA prisoner Tom Smith (pictured), a Dublin man, was shot dead by a Free State Army gunman during an escape attempt by IRA prisoners in Portlaoise Prison, County Laois, on St Patrick's Day, 1975.
Tom was active with the IRA's Dublin Brigade and was one of about 20 republican prisoners who attempted to escape from their State jailers on that St Patrick's Day in 1975.
A door in the recreation/'cinema' hall was blown off its hinges and a selected group of prisoners sprinted into the prison yard, at a time which had been pre-arranged with their comrades on the outside ; the Staters opened fire, hitting him in the head.
'DUBLIN, March 17 — The I.R.A. Provisionals chose St. Patrick's day for an attempted mass breakout from Portlaoise jail, where more than 100 Irish Republican Army prisoners are held. The bid failed. One prisoner was shot dead, two were seriously wounded and several policemen were injured. Gunmen outside the jail engaged soldiers and policemen for several hours in what was probably the largest operation the Provisionals have attempted in the republic since the present troubles began in 1969.
The escape attempt started at nightfall when a chain was thrown over power lines carrying electricity into the jail. This blacked out the town of Portlaoise and much of the prison, but emergency power kept the perimeter lights on. A truck said to be loaded with explosives was driven into the fence beside the prison gates. An explosion inside the jail followed. Several prisoner's were then shot, apparently while trying to escape...'(from here.)
Some other such escape attempts can be read here and, indeed, the lesson that should be learned, by Westminster and Leinster House is that - as long as there are republican prisoners - more stories of escapes and escape attempts will hopefully be read about in the future.


'OUR STEWARDSHIP...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
A beginning had been made, if only it could be a success! They needed it, this way of getting to the people of Ireland, this way of giving to a growing generation of youth who had no way of knowing the gospel of Tone and Pearse, a knowledge that they hoped - that they knew - would kindle in them pride in their country and race.
At the end of 1954, the Stormont Government banned 'The United Irishman'newspaper ; so great was its success that the Government of Queen Elizabeth in Ireland considered it too dangerous a diet for the people under its jurisdiction. As the Irish Republican Army grew strong and proceeded to carry out operations against the enemy in this country the people bought'The United Irishman' for the honest and truthful reports.
When Sinn Féin wanted to state its case to the Irish people without having its statements twisted out of recognition by an editor with a printing axe to grind, it was only in'The United Irishman' they could state it...(MORE LATER.)


LÁ FHÉILE PÁDRAIG SONA DAOIBH! ('Happy St. Patricks Day!')
Enjoy your day - ye are all Irish for this day, but some of us are blessed and will still be Irish tomorrow!
Happy Wednesday, readers - if we get home in one piece tonight, or tomorrow(or whenever..!) then we won't be contacting ya for bail money!
'Cause, Covid Level 5 restrictions or not, myself and the Girl Gang have arrangements made for a get-together and, among other things, we're gonna test the theory that alcohol makes ya immune from the virus and from that other social destroyer - common sense! Incidentally - for the day that's in it - St Patrick's Day was celebrated in New York City for the first time, in 1762, at the 'Crown and Thistle Tavern'. Next time we're in that glorious city, we'll pop in and see if the party is still going on. If not, we'll re-start it!
Thanks for dropping in, have a ball. We intend to!
Sharon.





THE BRITISH IN IRELAND - THE CAUSE OF AND SOLUTION TO...

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ON THIS DATE (24TH MARCH) 225 YEARS AGO : 'INSURRECTION ACT' IMPOSED IN IRELAND.
Near the end of the 18th century in Ireland, so much 'discomfort' was being caused to the 'landlord and polite society'-class in London by the rebellious acts of, among other groups, the 'United Irishmen' and 'The Defenders', that a new 'law' was required to deal with the issue.
On the 22nd February, 1796, an 'Insurrection Act'* for Ireland was introduced in Westminster and, on the 24th March, 1796 - 225 years ago, on this date - that piece of paper 'received the royal assent' and became 'law' :
'AN ACT MORE EFFECTUALLY TO SUPPRESS INSURRECTIONS, AND PREVENT THE DISTURBANCE OF THE PUBLIC PEACE :
Whereas traitorous insurrections have for some time past arisen in various parts of this kingdom, principally promoted and supported by persons associating under the pretended obligation of oaths unlawfully administered...be it enacted...that any person or persons who shall administer, or cause to be administered, or be present, aiding and assisting at the administering, or who shall by threats, promises, persuasions, or other undue means, cause, procure, or induce to be taken by any person or persons, upon a book, or otherwise any oath or engagement, importing to bind the person taking the same, to be of any association, brotherhood, society, or confederacy formed for seditious purposes, or to disturb the public peace, or to obey the orders or rules, or commands of any committee, or other body of men, not lawfully constituted, or the commands of any captain, leader, or commander (not appointed by his majesty, his heirs and successors) or to assemble at the desire or command of any such captain, leader, commander or committee, or of any person or persons not having lawful authority, or not to inform or given evidence against any brother, associate, confederate, or other person, or not to reveal or discover his having taken any illegal oath, or done any illegal act, or not to discover any illegal oath or engagement which may be tendered to him, or the import thereof, whether he shall take such oath, or enter into such engagement, or not, being by due course of law convicted thereof, shall be adjudged guilty of felony, and suffer death without benefit of clergy, and every person who shall take any such oath or engagement, not being thereto compelled by inevitable necessity, and being by due course of law thereof convicted, shall be adjudged guilty of felony and be transported for life...'(from here.)
In short, the 'authorities' empowered themselves to impose the death penalty (some of the other such 'Acts' replaced that penalty with 'transportation for life/penal transportation') and allowed for the political representatives of 'polite society' to declare specific districts in Ireland as "disturbed", thereby permitting curfews to be announced.
Also, trial by jury (as 'honest' as that was) was suspended and local 'law enforcers' were given full permission to search and detain any individual they wanted to.
*Overall(so far, that is) at least half-a-dozen such 'Insurrection Acts' have been imposed in Ireland by the British ; all eventually failed to obtain the objective that Westminster sought - a passive Ireland. And the British(or their proxies in Leinster House) can, if they so desire, impose another half-a-dozen similar 'Acts' in Ireland and they, too, will fail.
A passive Ireland will never exist as long as the the British continue to claim political and military jurisdiction over any part of this country.



'THE TWO-NATIONS THEORY...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

Act of 1920 :
The Act of 1920, which set up the Stormont Parliament, was a purely British Act passed in a British Parliament - Westminster - by British votes, with not a single Irish representative having voted for it.
A separate parliament for the Six Counties was never demanded by the people of those counties, their press or their political leaders. When it became clear to British politicians that the Irish national demand could not much longer be resisted, the Act of 1920 was passed with the object of giving the minority a privileged position.
Pressure From Without :
From this brief summary of the origin of the Stormont Parliament it is clear that the parliament is not a national parliament in any real sense. National parliaments in all countries and at all times have come into being in response to dynamic forces acting from within. The Belfast Parliament is probably the only assembly in the world which owes its existence to an attitude of negation and to pressure from without.
Such a parliament may express a mood, a temper, a prejudice, a fear or a denial, but it certainly is not the expression of a national will.
(END of 'The Two-Nations Theory' ; NEXT - 'Reflection', from the same source.)



ON THIS DATE (24TH MARCH) 101 YEARS AGO : BRITISH SPY EXECUTED BY 'THE SQUAD'.
"One of the most successful British agents in the War of Independence was a man called Bryan Fergus Molloy who was shot by Collins Squad in Dublin in 1920...he was a man with no past, no birth, no census records, no war record, and the assumption is that this was not his real name..."(from here.)
From 'Hansard' : 'Mr. IRVING asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether the man who was shot in Exchequer Street, Dublin, on the 24th instant, was identified by the police as bearing the name of Molloy ; whether, in fact, this name was correct ; whether there was any deliberate concealment of the real name ; if so, can he state the reason ; and whether the man had at one time been in the Dublin Metropolitan Police?'
Mr. MACPHERSON (replied) - 'This man was identified by the military authorities as Bryan Fergus Molloy, under which name he enlisted, and, as far as is known, this was his correct name. He was at no time a member of the Dublin Metropolitan Police...'(from here.)
Bryan Fergus Molloy aka Frederick McNulty was a British intelligence operative in Dublin who was placed there by Westminster to locate Collins or other IRA operatives ; he attempted to integrate himself with the Republican Movement by offering to procure weapons for use against the British but his cover was blown when the IRA's people in Dublin Castle warned them about Molly/McNulty's true intentions.
On the 24th March, 1920, he was located by the IRA and was executed - he was followed by at least three IRA members and was shot to death, in broad daylight, on South William Street in Dublin, by members of 'The Squad'.
'The shooting of the mysterious Bryan Fergus Molloy, a suspected spy who had been trying to make contact with the rebels, took place on the 24th of March, 1920. The operation didn't go smoothly. Passersby tried to detain the assassins and a cyclist blocked one gunman's getaway outside St. Andrew’s Church...the identity of the young spy may be that of Frederick Vernon Maximilian McNulty, a Manchester-born son of Irish parents with a chequered career in the British Army. Having been discharged from the Army Service Corps in 1914 for being underage, McNulty joined the RAF in 1917 before apparently deserting the following year to re-join the ASC under the assumed name, B.F. Molloy...'(from here.)
'Oh I am the man, the slimey man, that listens at yer door,
For I belong to the Special Branch and that's what I'm paid for.
If you're singing songs of protest or against repressive law,
I'll put yer name in me little black book,
And I'll see that yer done for...'




NO RIGHT OF APPEAL...

Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.
By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
But things began to change again after the arrival of the 'Appeasement Process' ; our restoration to the status of being members of the 'Fourth Estate' - such notions, begob! - brought new responsibilities.
Once again it was a case of 'forget about the facts, Ma'am, the age of moral equivalence has arrived' and, in this brave new world, the duty of the 'good journalist' was to always keep the sunny side up. If the IRA had to be coaxed into the political process, so be it. And if the right stick was needed to keep those hard-line democrats of the UUP on the right road, then flay away - and give 'em plenty of it.
The problem with the journalism of consensus, whether it concerns the North of Ireland, striking teachers, or the Church, is that it wears the mask of rebelliousness whilst hiding the frozen grimace of intolerance underneath.
It is seen as 'responsible' of the good bourgeois liberal hack to root out and punish the non-house-trained journalist who defecates on the carpet of consensus. All the dissidents have to go. Only then would the field be open for the liberal bourgeois 'sociology in UCD' autocracy to reform the greatest problem of all - Fianna Fáil...(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (24TH MARCH) 98 YEARS AGO : DUBLIN IRA MEMBER SHOT DEAD BY STATERS.
As part of the IRA 'Entertainment Fixtures' order(which we wrote about last week), two IRA members were tasked with an operation to destroy or disrupt the Carlton Cinema in O'Connell Street, in Dublin.
On the 24th March, 1923 - 98 years ago on this date - the two republican operatives placed a bomb at the front door of the cinema. As they were leaving the premises, the device detonated, setting the doors on fire. The flames and smoke were noticed almost immediately by a Free State Army patrol which attempted to intervene ; the two IRA men opened fire on the Staters in an attempt to make good their escape but, as they reached near-by North Earl Street, one of the men, Patrick O'Brien, IRA First Dublin Battalion, was shot dead.
The other Volunteer, Martin Hogan(pictured), 28 years of age, was wounded in the exchange of gunfire but managed to escape his pursuers.
However, less than one month later, he was 'arrested' in Dublin by the Staters and had eleven bullets fired into him, in the Drumcondra/Whitehall part of the capital.
His girlfriend, who first tried to find him in one of the prisons, was told to enquire at Oriel House (CID headquarters), where she was told to "try the morgue".
His body was eventually found in a ditch in Drumcondra. He is buried in the family grave in Killodiernan Graveyard, Puckane, in his native County of Tipperary.
Also, a brief mention here, for the record, of an IRA man, William Walsh, from the Coombe, in Dublin who, on the 24th March in 1923, was badly wounded during an ambush at Whitehall, Dublin of a Free State troop lorry. He presented himself to the Mater Hospital but died that night. Unfortunately, we are unable to furnish more information about that brave individual as, it seems, history has forgotten him. As we said, just a name-check here of the man, for the record.


'OUR STEWARDSHIP...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
'The United Irishman' newspaper became, therefore, a considerable menace to British rule in Ireland and had to be put down. Last month, and the preceeding month, however, the steady and consistent increase in the sales of the paper has been maintained, and in the Six Counties a spark has been kindled that is not likely to be extinguished even if there is not another copy of 'The United Irishman' seen there and, if I know our Northerners, an edict of Mr. Hanna will not prevent them from reading the newspaper.
To the pioneers who set out 'to blot out the handwriting that was against us' we raise our hats ; to the disinterested and generous who answered that ininial appeal - "funds are ungently needed" - we give our heartfelt thanks ; to the people of the North we say "hold on!", it isn't a forlorn hope or a lost cause, for the men and women of the South respond, they do not say with the politicians 'we can see no solution' ; they organise and work so that together we can, in the name of God, re-enthrone the Irish Republic.
(END of 'Our Stewardship' ; NEXT - 'Comments', from the same source.)



ON THIS DATE (24TH MARCH) 99 YEARS AGO : McMAHON FAMILY WIPED-OUT BY BRITISH MURDER GANG.
'...the murder of the family and their lodger was committed on 24th March 1922. The dead consisted of Owen McMahon and his sons Thomas, Frank, Bernard and Patrick. Their lodger Edward McKinney was also murdered.
On 23rd March 1922, USC officers Thomas Cunningham, aged 22, and William Cairnside, aged 21, were patrolling along Great Victoria Street when they were approached by IRA gunmen on foot who shot them both dead at close range. This event would provoke a ferocious response which would be carried out in a cool, calm and exceptionally cold manner. Initially, two innocent Catholics were shot dead in the Short Strand. However, much worse was to come for the Nationalist community.
At 1am on the morning of 24th March a worksite at Carlisle Circus was approached by two men in Police uniform. A City council volunteer was guarding it, and he was persuaded by these Policemen to hand over his sledgehammer. These two men met up with three others at the grounds of a large local residence known as Bruce’s Demesne and proceeded towards the large Victorian home where the McMahon family were resident. The assailants hammered at the front door, then smashed the glass panel enabling them to open the locks and break through a secondary door which led to the hallway. Owen and his wife Eliza were awakened by this commotion and attempted to run downstairs when both were confronted by a man in Police uniform.
The male members of the McMahon family and their lodger were taken into the downstairs living room whilst the females, who included Owens wife Eliza, daughter Lily and niece Mary, were ushered into the first-floor drawing-room. The male members of the family were told abruptly by the gang to say their prayers before firing was commenced. Frank McMahon aged 24; Patrick McMahon aged 25 and Thomas McMahon aged just 15 were killed almost instantaneously. Edward McKinney, their lodger, aged 25, was also killed.
Owen McMahon would die in hospital a few hours later. His son Bernard would die on 2nd April meaning only John aged 30 and Michael aged 12 survived. Michael in fact had a lucky escape hiding under the dining table and then the sofa before being found by neighbours in a "most frightful state".
The female members of the family tried to raise the alarm by screaming murder but by the time help arrived the massacre was over. Indeed an RIC patrol was close by and quickly on the scene. The scene they encountered was indescribable. The gang responsible had made a quick getaway into the darkness from whence they came...'(from here.)
The father, Owen McMahon, was shot in the abdomen and the head, Patrick was shot in the head, chest and abdomen, Frank was shot in the chest and the face, Bernard was shot in the spinal cord and lung, Thomas was shot in the head and chest and the family lodger, Edward McKinney, was shot in the lungs and abdomen.
The political administration that was responsible, in the first instance, for that outrage - Westminster - is still 'calling the shots', literally, in that part of Ireland, and the foot soldiers in their 'police force' - albeit it with a new name and uniform - are still on the ground there. And both entities remain capable of the atrocities that they inflicted, between them, on the McMahon family.
The only way to remove their ability to do something like that again is to remove them, politically and militarily, from Ireland.
Thanks for reading,
Sharon.






THE HARANGUES OF ENGLISH LEADERS.

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ON THIS DATE (31ST MARCH) 47 YEARS AGO : IRA POW IN ENGLISH JAIL JOINS THE HUNGER-STRIKE.
Michael Gaughan (pictured), the eleventh Irish republican to die on hunger strike, was four months away from celebrating his 25th birthday.
Immortalised in song by Seamus Robinson, Michael Gaughan was an IRA activist in England and, in December 1971, he found himself in front of a British judge in the Old Bailey, where he was sentenced to seven years in Wormwood Scrubs for taking part in a (republican fund-raising) bank raid in north London.
Two years later, he was transferred to Albany Prison on the Isle of Wight and demanded that he be treated as a political prisoner. This was refused and he was placed in solitary confinement before being moved to Parkhurst Prison, also on the Isle of Wight. On the 31st of March, 1974 - 47 years ago, on this date - Michael Gaughan joined an on-going hunger-strike protest and, after 23 days, he was force-fed : the tube that was forced down his throat punctured his lung, killing him, in Parkhurst Prison, on the 3rd of June, 1974.
His body was removed from London and on Friday and Saturday, 7th and 8th June 1974, thousands of mourners lined the streets of Kilburn and marched behind his coffin, which was flanked by an IRA guard of honour, to a requiem mass held in the 'Church of the Sacred Heart of Jesus' in Kilburn.
On that Saturday (8th June 1974), his body was transported to Dublin where, again, he was met by mourners and another IRA guard of honour(pictured) who brought him to the Adam and Eve Franciscan church on Merchant's Quay, where thousands filed past as the body lay in state. The following day, his body was removed to Ballina, County Mayo. The funeral mass took place on the 9th June, at St. Muredach's Cathedral, Ballina, and the procession then went to Leigue Cemetery, Ballina.
Michael Gaughan was given a full republican burial and was laid to rest in the republican plot. Mayo republican Jackie Clarke (Seán Ó Clérigh, whose family later had political disagreements with the Provisional Sinn Féin party) presided at the last obsequies, and the oration at his graveside was given by Dáithí Ó Conaill, who stated that Gaughan"..had been tortured in prison by the vampires of a discredited empire who were joined by decrepit politicians who were a disgrace to the name of Irishmen...". His coffin was draped in the same Tricolour that was used for Terence McSwiney's funeral 54 years earlier. He left a final message in which he stated -"I die proudly for my country and in the hope that my death will be sufficient to obtain the demands of my comrades. Let there be no bitterness on my behalf, but a determination to achieve the new Ireland for which I gladly die. My loyalty and confidence is to the IRA and let those of you who are left carry on the work and finish the fight."
And today, 47 years after Michael Gaughan was buried, republicans are still working towards that same objective.



'REFLECTION.'
By Matt Furlong.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

'The river winds its way into the deep,
the lark will chant its lay and soar the sky,
if the eagle were in fetters would he keep
the spirit of the free, or would he die?


For thus it is the grievings in our hearts,
the symbol of our freedom it is seen,
oppressed when such oppression smarts
and a longing, deep, to see again the Green.


Unfurled and flowing free upon the wind
as the eagle when he soars above the hills,
glorying in his freedom, and his kind,
subdueing not to any other wills...'
(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (31ST MARCH) 162 YEARS AGO : 'IRISH INDEPENDENT PARTY' DISBANDS.
In 1852, 'The Irish Brigade'( a 'pressure-group' which lobbied Westminster on behalf of the Catholic Church, its members, and its 'flock') and 'The Tenant Right League' joined forces to get the 'Ecclesiastical Titles Bill' revoked and, in July that year(1852) the new grouping came together as 'The Independent Irish Party' (IIP).
The 'IIP' declared that"legislative independence is the clear, eternal and inalienable right of this country, and that no settlement of the affairs of Ireland can be permanent until that right is recognised and established...(we will) take the most prompt and effective measures for the protection of the lives and interests of the Irish people, and the attainment of their natural rights..."
John Sadleir and William Keogh, two of the more prominent MP's in 'The Independent Irish Party'(of which there were about forty, as the new 'IIP' was joined by Irish MP's in Westminster), like all the other 'IIP' representatives, took a pledge not to accept any Office in a Westminster administration or to co-operate with same until, among other things, the 'Ecclesiastical Titles Bill' was done away with ; however, the British had seen developments like this elsewhere in their 'empire' and were preparing to manoeuvre things in their own favour.
The new 'Independent Irish Party' was flexing its muscle ; as William Keogh(a barrister and MP for Athlone) put it -"I will not support any party which does not make it the first ingredient of their political existence to repeal the Ecclesiastical Titles Bill. So help me God ..." By this stage, Charles Gavan Duffy had been elected as an 'Independent Irish Party' MP to Westminster, representing the New Ross area of Wexford.
The 'IIP', with forty members elected to Westminster, did actually hold the balance of power in 'Lord' Derby's Tory-led government in Westminster and so pressed their claims with that administration regarding the 'Titles Bill' and other matters pertaining to Ireland - but they got no satisfaction from 'Lord' Derby or any of his Ministers, so the 'IIP''pulled the plug' and the British government of the day collapsed.
The main opposition party in Westminster, the 'Whigs', led by 'Lord' Aberdeen (pictured), apparently promised John Sadleir IIP MP and William Keogh IIP MP that the 'Whigs' would be sympathetic to the interests of the 'Independent Irish Party' and the two Irish MP's, in turn, passed this information on to the ruling body of their own party and it was agreed to support the 'Whigs' in their bid for power which, with 'IIP' support, they got.
But no sooner had 'Lord' Aberdeen climbed into the prime ministerial chair when his political promises to Sadleir and Keogh were cast aside ; he was, it seems, prepared to 'honour' part of the agreement he made with the 'Independent Irish Party' representatives and party, but not enough to satisfy them, and certainly not enough when compared with what he said he would do. This led to rows and bickering within the 'IIP', a signal which 'Lord' Aberdeen picked-up on and used to his own advantage, in true British 'divide-and-conquer'-style.
'Lord' Aberdeen offered John Sadleir IIP MP the position of 'Lord of The Treasury' in the new British administration, and also 'threw a bone' to the other dog, William Keogh IIP MP - that of the Office of British Solicitor-General for Ireland and, despite already having their parsnips well buttered, both men took the offer, and the Catholic Church, subservient as ever to the British, when push came to shove, supported them for doing so!
This tore not only the 'Independent Irish Party' asunder(although it did manage to 'hobble' on for another few years, disintegrating along the way) until finally it disbanded on the 31st March 1859 - 162 years ago, on this date - but it also disappointed Charles Gavan Duffy IIP MP, one of the more prominent members of the party, so much so that, in October 1855, he emigrated to Australia in despair.
As 'Lord of The (British) Treasury', John Sadleir aspired to a lifestyle which he no doubt considered to be his of right - he was, after all, a British Minister and he also owned, by now, a community-type bank/financial house, in Ireland - the 'Tipperary Joint Stock Bank' (pictured) : however, such was his taste for the fine life and his desire to 'keep in' with his new 'friends', when his bank was found to be shy by over one million pounds the shame was too much and he killed himself in 1856.
However, his old buddy, the British Solicitor-General for Ireland, William Keogh, somehow managed to 'soldier-on' and was asked to perform another task for his British pay-masters and he became a British Judge, in Ireland, during the infamous Fenian Trials of 1865-1867, where he verbally cracked many an Irish rebel skull, saving his employers from getting their hands even more bloodier. His conscience must have eventually got the better of him because, in 1878, he, too, killed himself. It could only make you wonder that, had he a bank to embezzle, would he have lived longer?
Despite success at the polls, and having the 'ear' of the political bosses and the 'respect' of the British 'establishment' and good, favourable media coverage, being well-dressed, well-spoken and well-paid, if you lose your political principles, you're finished - draw your own conclusions....



NO RIGHT OF APPEAL...

Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.
By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
Mary Ellen Synon was one of the 'bad journalists'* ; it was bad enough that she was a conservative, and her a woman, but she was also controversial. She didn't like Tribunals, or Social Partnership, or the Peace Process, or our new liberal junta. Worse still, she was original. A very bad bit of stuff indeed. They had been waiting in the long grass for Mary Ellen Synon for a long time.
Eventually, after she wrote a piece about the evils of moral equivalence which included the infelicitous use of a metaphor involving the Special Olympics ('1169' comment - she wrote about those who take part in the paralympics as being "grotesque...perverse...wobble in a wheelchair...swim by Braille.." ; in other words, she actually jumped out of "the long grass" and quite willingly surrendered herself on the Altar of Decency..), the mob was released. Her chosen epithets were offensive, and indefensible, but only a fool would construe the ensuing media melee as a reaction against those few badly chosen words**
It was a reaction against her entire outlook - an outlook she had been 'getting away with' for too long. When she eventually fell through her own thin ice, there followed a stirring display of journalistic unity ; blowhard radio presenters joined hand-in-glove with a woeful feminist clique to note that explanations and apologises were not enough.
In this particular Salem, as the sisterhood wailed"Where is Mary Ellen's heart..?", only the destruction*** of her career would do. The likes of it not been seen since the time when John McGahern was forced out of his teaching job by a similar mob****...
('1169' Comment -*Mary Ellen Synon uses words, as best she can, to cause outrage and, in so doing, make a name for herself. She isn't a journalist in the proper sense of that word. She is a 'sensationalist' writer, and will put pen to paper over whatever issue she believes will obtain the most publicity for herself and for whichever 'newspaper' it is at the time that has employed her.//** Those words werepurposely chosen rather than "badly chosen" //*** Self-destruction, - not a "destruction" of someone else's making. // **** A chalk and cheese comparison, if even that, in our opinion.)(MORE LATER.)



'COMMENTS.'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
£14,000 Per Year :
It was announced recently in London that the salary and expenses of the English Governor General in the Six Counties would be a total of £14,000 per year. It was stated that part of this sum would be paid by the British Government and part by Stormont.
If the matter were examined closely it would be discovered that the people of the Six Counties will pay it all ; through the reserved services, income tax, indirect taxation (tobacco, liquor, purchase tax etc) Britain drains off from the Six Counties more than is returned in doles and grants.
At the same time it was announced in Belfast that a vast number of workers would become redundant in the Belfast shipyards. A huge protest demonstration was held by the shipyard workers ; they all marched to a public meeting in the city centre and were addressed by an English trade union official. Hurrah for the demonstration!
But we would urge the Belfast workers to examine closely the causes of their impending unemployment and not pay too much attention to the harangues of English leaders, whether Labour, Conservative or Liberal ; unemployment, the dole, hunger and misery - these are the recurring fruits of English control of Irish economic and political life...(MORE LATER.)



ON THIS DATE (31ST MARCH) 150 YEARS AGO : SINN FÉIN FOUNDER/TREATY OF SURRENDER SUPPORTER BORN IN DUBLIN.
One of the leaflets (pictured) distributed by Irish republicans in late 1921 to counteract anti-republican propaganda that the 'Treaty (of Surrender)' was "a stepping stone" to that which they had fought for - indeed, one of those who accepted that Treaty, ex-republican Arthur Griffith, declared, in a press release immediately after signing same -"I have signed a Treaty of peace between Ireland and Great Britain. I believe that treaty will lay foundations of peace and friendship between the two Nations. What I have signed I shall stand by in the belief that the end of the conflict of centuries is at hand."
Yet historian Nicholas Mansergh noted that, at practically the same time as Griffith had penned the above, the British were talking between themselves of"...concessions (from the Irish) wrung by devices..some of which can be described at best as devious..every word used and every nuance was so important..."
Arthur Joseph Griffith(Art Ó Griobhtha, pictured) was born at 61 Upper Dominick Street, Dublin on 31st March 1871 - 150 years ago on this date - into a working-class family. He was educated by the Irish Christian Brothers and earned a living as a skilled printer and typesetter. He joined the Gaelic League during the 1890's and was also a member of the 'Irish Republican Brotherhood'(IRB).
At 34 years of age he founded a new political organisation, 'Sinn Féin' (on the 28th November 1905) to raise support for his own personal political notion that a 'dual government' of Britain and Ireland was the best solution to England's 'Irish Problem' ; he saw no value in Fenian-style armed rebellion and believed that 'passive resistance', including a refusal to pay Crown taxes, creating independent Irish courts and an Irish civil service, taking control of local authorities and boycotting British products, would achieve his required objective ie for this country to become part of a dual monarchy under the British crown and prosper, financially, as a result. His aim was "to make England take one hand from Ireland's throat and the other out of Ireland's pocket..." but the Sinn Féin organisation didn't fully support the objectives and methods as laid down by Griffith.
The Sinn Féin organisation, when established by Arthur Griffith and others, consisted of an amalgamation of Cumann na nGaedheal, the National Council (which was founded in the main to organise protests at the visit of the British King, Edward VII, and included in its ranks Edward Martyn, Séamus McManus and Maud Gonne) and the Dungannon Clubs, a largely IRB-dominated republican campaign group.
Contrary to the perception which has been advanced by some that Sinn Féin in its first years was not republican in character but rather sought a limited form of Home Rule on the dual monarchist model, Brian O'Higgins(pictured), a founding member of Sinn Féin, who took part in the 1916 Rising, and was a member of the First and Second Dáil, remaining a steadfast republican up to his death in 1962, had this to say in his Wolfe Tone Annual of 1949 :
"It is often sought to be shown that the organisation set up in 1905 was not republican in form or spirit, that it only became so in 1917, but this is an erroneous idea, and is not borne out by the truths of history. Anyone who goes to the trouble of reading its brief constitution will see that its object was 'the re-establishment of the independence of Ireland'. The Constitution of Sinn Féin in 1905, and certainly the spirit of it, was at least as clearly separatist as was the constitution of Sinn Féin in and after 1917, no matter what private opinion regarding the British Crown may have been held by Arthur Griffith..."
In 1917, Griffith stood down as President of Sinn Féin(de Valera took the position) because the organisation had become more republican-minded than he felt comfortable with, although he maintained his membership. He also had strong differences of opinion with the trade union leadership in Ireland over strike action, as he felt that such activity was counter-productive as it damaged Irish trade, overall, and that opinion, and other such political naratives, helped to secure his election as a 'Sinn Féin MP' in the East Cavan by-election in June 1918, and he held the seat in the General Election of that same year(and he was also returned for the seat of Tyrone North West).
Griffith and Michael Collins, and others, were sent to London by de Valera to negotiate the 'Anglo-Irish Treaty'(the 'Treaty of Surrender') and, on the 6th December, 1921, he signed it and declared that"..the end of the conflict of centuries is at hand.."(see our opening paragraph, above). Incidentally, Collins and Griffith (both pro-Treaty) had pressurised at least one of their colleagues, Robert Childers Barton (the Irish Minister for Economic Affairs) to accept the Treaty of Surrender, telling him that if he did not sign then he would be responsible for"Irish homes (being) laid waste and the youth of Ireland (being) butchered.." and, at about 11pm on Monday, 5th December 1921, Barton signed the document.
The stress and strain on Arthur Griffith took its toll and, on the 12th August, 1922, in his 51st year, he died, in Dublin, from heart failure and cerebral haemorrhage, and is buried in Glasnevin Cemetery. The poor man went to his grave being wrong about"the end of the conflict of centuries"being at hand. The only Treaty that will secure that is one which witnesses the withdrawal of the British claim of jurisdictional control over any part of Ireland ; no 'fine words' offering a half-way house will be accepted by Irish republicans.
Thanks for reading,
Sharon.





NAPPER TANDY AND 'THE WEARIN' O' THE GREEN'.

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ON THIS DATE (7TH APRIL) 220 YEARS AGO : JAMES NAPPER TANDY STANDS 'TRIAL'.
Liberte! Egalite! Fraternite! Ou La Mort! ( (Freedom! Equality! Brotherhood! Or Death!). Unite Indivisibilite De La Republique!
'(On the) 7th April 1801, the trial of United Irishman, James Napper Tandy(pictured), began. He stood trial for treason. He had been a member of the United Irishmen and was one of the leaders of the failed Irish Rebellion of 1798. Tandy actively encouraged young Irish people to follow the example of the French peasants, and uprise against their rulers with force. He was in the process of building an army when his actions came to the attention of the British government.
He was forced to flee Ireland and spent time in France, where he met with Theobald Wolfe Tone and other United Irishmen. They gathered support from the French military and returned to Ireland intent on leading a rebellion. However, they struggled to gain support. In their absence, the British had quashed the Irish ambition that an independent republic could be achieved using military force. Tandy again had to leave Ireland, through fear of arrest, and sailed all the way around the north of Scotland to avoid landing on English land.
British forces intercepted him in Hamburg, Germany, and Tandy was returned to Ireland to stand trial for the treasonable landing on Rutland Island, off the coast of Donegal. He pleaded guilty and was sentenced to death, but his life was spared after a personal plea from French leader Napoleon, and Tandy was allowed to leave to live out the remainder of his life in France. Tandy was given a huge funeral in Bordeaux (and) is mentioned in the old folk song, 'The Wearing of the Green', which tells the story of the struggle faced by the Irish people under British rule in the early 19th century...'(from here.)

On the day Castlebar was liberated - August 27th, 1798 - James Napper Tandy, a Dublin man, born in 1739, sailed from Dunkerque with 270 French Grenadiers and a large quantity of weapons, powder and artillery, on board the corvette 'Anacreon', reputed to be the fastest vessel in the French Navy.
They landed near Burtonport, County Donegal, on September 16th, 1798 but, on hearing of General Humbert's defeat at Ballinamuck, they withdrew. On September 21st, 1798, the ships captain landed Napper Tandy at Bergen in Norway, from where, en route to France by land, he arrived in Hamburg, then a neutral state, on November 22nd, 1798.
It was there that Napper Tandy was arrested and protracted extradition proceedings followed ; the British arrogantly demanded that he be handed over for 'trial' - eventually, he was extradited(on October 1st, 1799) but French retribution was swift ; they re-called their 'charge d'affaires' and Consul in Hamburg immediately. Hamburg's representatives in France were given 24 hours to quit their residences and eight days to leave the country. This all coincided with the return of Napoleon Bonaparte from Egypt and his assumption of power as First Consul of France.
A letter from the Senate of Hamburg to the French, which set out their (Germany) reasons for extraditing James Napper Tandy was returned unopened. The German administration then communicated personally with Napoleon Bonaparte (pictured), whose reply was devastating, and which he published for the edification of the public - "You have violated hospitality, a thing that would not happen among the barbarous hordes of the desert.."He then promptly ordered trade sanctions (which were not lifted until April 1801) on payment of a fine of 4,500,000 Francs.
Napper Tandy was sentenced to death at Lifford Court, in Donegal, and May 4th, 1801, was fixed as the day of execution. A reprieve was granted until May 28th, and, on May 12th that year, his execution was postponed indefinitely. By 1802 the long war between France and England was coming to an end, and negotiations for peace were under way : 'Lord' Cornwallis, the 'Lord Lieutenant' who had taken personal command against General Humbert's army in 1798, was the Chief British negotiator and Joseph Bonaparte, brother of Napoleon, was the Chief French negotiator.
The signing of the Peace Treaty of Amiens(signed on March 25th, 1802) was delayed when the First Consul instructed his brother to demand that the British comply with one further condition -"General James Napper Tandy must be released from prison and restored 'au sein de la France' - to the bosom of France.." and, on the night of Sunday, March 7th, 1802, James Napper Tandy was quietly released from prison and put on board a ship for France ; on March 14th of that year he landed in Bordeaux to military and civic receptions. He died there, from dysentery, at 63 years of age, as an Irish patriot, on the 24th August, 1803.
'O Paddy dear, and did ye hear the news that's goin' round?
The shamrock is by law forbid to grow on Irish ground!
No more Saint Patrick's Day we'll keep, his color can't be seen
For there's a cruel law ag'in the Wearin' o' the Green.


I met with Napper Tandy, and he took me by the hand
And he said, "How's poor old Ireland, and how does she stand?"
"She's the most distressful country that ever yet was seen
For they're hanging men and women there for the Wearin' o' the Green..."'




'REFLECTION...'
By Matt Furlong.
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, June, 1955.

But there's a shadow of a cross in every dell,
burning life-like pictures in our hearts.
A silent shadow weaving its own spell ;
of tyranny displayed in all its arts.


Oh say! and shall we weep,
is the courage of our hearts asleep?
Can the manner of our pain
be lulled apace to keep
like smouldering fires, dampened with the rain?

(END of 'Reflection' ; NEXT - 'The Irish Votes', from the same source.)




ON THIS DATE (7TH APRIL) 156 YEARS AGO : IRISH-BORN FENIAN USA BRIGADIER-GENERAL MORTALLY WOUNDED.
On April 7th, 1865, Brigadier-General Tom Smyth(pictured) was mortally wounded at the battle of Farmville, Virginia.
Tom Smyth was born in County Cork on Christmas Day, 1832, and came to the United States in 1854. He was part of a group of fighters that joined the 'Irish 24th Pennsylvania Volunteer' but that Unit was disbanded within months, and its members incorporated elsewhere, with Tom Smyth being appointed as a Major in the '1st Delaware Volunteer Infantry'. The Unit was active and Smyth's bravery was noticed, so much so that he was put in command of the 'Irish Brigade' for a while.
On the 7th of April , 1865 - 156 years ago, on this date - at the battle of Farmville, Smyth was shot through the mouth by a Confederate sniper. He died two days later, on the same day that Confederate General Robert E. Lee surrendered, virtually bringing the war to a close. Thomas Alfred Smyth was the last Union general killed in the war.
'Thomas Alfred Smyth was a hero in the eyes of his men in the 1st Delaware Volunteers. His story begins in Ballyhooly in County of Cork, Ireland, on December 25, 1832. Raised on his father’s farm, he later immigrated to the United States. Upon settling in his new homeland, Smyth joined William Walker’s 1855 expedition to Nicaragua, and apparently became a skilled woodworker. In 1858, he moved to Wilmington, Delaware, where he remained until the start of the Civil War.
Eager to help his new homeland, Thomas Smyth raised a three-month company to assist in the war. When that service was finished, he enlisted as a major in the 1st Delaware Volunteers...by the end of 1862, Smyth had earned the respect of his fellow men and commanding officers. On December 18, 1862, Smyth was promoted to lieutenant colonel. He was wounded during the Battle of Gettysburg but was able to return to service. After his performance at Gettysburg, General Hancock recommended Smyth for promotion to brigadier general, although the promotion took a year to become official. Those in combat with him were disgusted by the slowness of his promotion, and Surgeon Reynolds of the Irish Brigade wrote a song with each stanza ending: 'There’s not a star for you Tom Smyth, there’s not a star for you...'(...more here.)
Tom Smyth was previously involved in a different campaign - with the 'Irish Fenian Brotherhood', an organisation which he joined in his late 20's/early 30's. He was 32 years of age when he was put in charge of the Fenian group within the Army of the Potomac, but had to put his Fenian duties 'on hold' while he attended to his other army duties. He died, at 32 years of age, two days after being shot, and is buried(alongside his wife) at Wilmington and Brandywine Cemetery, Wilmington, Delaware, in Pennsylvania.



NO RIGHT OF APPEAL...

Why the media consensus on a broad range of issues is increasingly disturbing.
By John Drennan.
From 'Magill' Annual, 2002.
The liberal elite did not have to wait too long for their second victim ; for all their talk about equality, the soul of the liberal journalist is essentially that of the petit bourgeois, since the liberties he(sic) fights so passionately for are those which apply only to himself(sic). When it comes to others, particularly the vocational professions, piffling little considerations such as the right to proper training and fair pay can be swept aside.
Only an attitude like this could explain the enthusiasm with which 'The Irish Times' fell over itself to support Bertie Ahern's characterisation of ASTI as the modern-day equivalent of a dangerous set of Bolshevik revolutionaries ; though its 'Education Correspondent', Seán Flynn, more than did his bit, Fintan O'Toole turned out to be the best man for the job. O'Toole's attack on the rights of teachers to go on strike for a decent living was almost Dickensian as he wailed about the blighted fate of the determined young woman hoping to escape from her windswept housing estate.
It may come as a surprise to Fintan that some of the most intelligent people in Ireland live in housing estates, and many of them are quite happy to reside there, but caveats such as this don't fit the programme...(MORE LATER.)



'COMMENTS...'
From 'The United Irishman' newspaper, March, 1955.
£14,000 PER YEAR...
Ireland prospers or is impoverished according as it suits English economy. During the last two years, when England needed ships, planes and all the materials of war, there was more work than workers to cope with it. The wars being over, Irish workmen are no longer necessary.
A national economy based on the home market would not permit such fluctuations. Fishing trawlers and cargo boats for Irish imports and exports may not look as spectacular in the slips and finishing wharves as sleek luxury liners or grim battleships, but they would certainly provide more permanent supplies of the necessities of life, not only for the workers of Belfast, but for the whole people of Ireland.
In a free united Ireland the opportunities for industrial expansion in the North would tax the enterprise and industry of Northern workers to the utmost. The need of all men in the world today is security ; security means permanent employment and the ownership of property. Few Irishmen own anything in Ireland today- the purpose of the republican economic programme is to restore the private ownership of property to every Irish citizen and to base our industrial and agricultural development on the requirements of the Irish people.(MORE LATER.)
Thanks for reading,
Sharon.






ON A PARTICULAR DATE IN APRIL, 1920 - 1923...

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ON A PARTICULAR DATE IN APRIL, 1920 - 1923...
On the same date in the month of April, in the years 1920, 1921, 1922 and 1923, the following incidents took place in Ireland :
1920 - A British spy was shot dead in Dublin City Centre, an RIC Sergeant was shot in Balbriggan in Dublin, another RIC Sergeant killed himself in the Phoenix Park in Dublin and hundreds of political and 'ODC' prisoners were released by mistake by the British.
1921 - a 'Big House' was destroyed and the British 'Sir' that lived in it was shot dead.
1922 - IRA 'Legal Eagles' (!) make a move on a courthouse, a man who joined the Free State Army on that particular date in 1922 was to die a few months afterwards.

1923 - An IRA strategist was 'arrested' by the Staters, the IRA and Free Staters exchanged gunfire in Kilkenny and a gunfight in Limerick resulted in the death of a Free State soldier.
On Wednesday, 14th April 2021, we'll be posting a 9-part post in which, among other items, we'll be detailing the above incidents. Hope you can check-in with us then!
...and thanks for popping in now ; see ye all on Wednesday, 14th April.
Sharon.




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